0J5  -CHICAGO 


'ZfgA ~ * 


. 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OP  CHICAGO  PRESS 
CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 


THE  BAKER  & TAYLOR  COMPANY 

SEW  YORK 

THE  CAMBRIDGE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON 

THE  MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA 

TOKYO,  OSAKA,  KYOTO,  FUKUOKA,  SENDAI 

THE  MISSION  BOOK  COMPANY 

SHANGHAI 


OUTLINES  OF 

CHINESE  ART 


BY 

JOHN  C.  FERGUSON 


THE  SCAMMON  LECTURES  FOR  1918 
PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  ART  INSTITUTE 
OF  CHICAGO  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF 
CHICAGO  PRESS,  CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 


Copyright  1919  By 
The  University  op  Chicago 


All  Rights  Reserved 


Published  November  1919 
Second  Impression  March  1920 


Composed  and  Printed  By 
The  University  of  Chicago  Press 
Chicago.  Illinois,  U.S.A. 


THE  GETTY  CENTER 
LIBRARY 


CONTENTS 


List  of  Illustrations 

The  Chinese  Dynasties 

Lecture  I.  Introduction  . 

Lecture  II.  Bronzes  and  Jades 
Lecture  III.  Stones  and  Ceramics 
Lecture  IV.  Calligraphy  and  Painting 

Lecture  V.  Painting 

Lecture' VI.  Painting 


PAGE 

vii 

xi 

i 

33 

82 

J34 

170 

208 


[v] 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


LECTURE  I 

PAGE 

Entrance  to  Government  Museum,  Peking  . . xii 

Central  Entrance  to  Government  Palace,  Peking  . xii 

Ho  T’u:  Mythical  Origin  ok  Drawing  . . . i i 

Lo  Shu:  Mythical  Origin  of  Writing  . . . 1 1 

Ideograph  Lung,  Meaning  Dragon  . . . .15 

Ideograph  Lu,  Meaning  Deer  . . . . .15 

Bronze  Vessel  Decorated  with  Face  of  Ogre,  T’ao- 

T’ieh 17 

Bronze  Vessel  with  Decoration  of  Phoenix  . . 18 

T’ieh  T’a,  Iron  Pagoda  ......  23 

Fang  T’a  Square  Pagoda  . . . . .23 

Temple  at  Grave  of  Kuan  Ti  . . . . .25 

LECTURE  II 

Bronze  Table  with  Wine  Vessels  (Collection  of 

Tuan  Fang)  .......  34 

Bronze  Daggers,  Chow  Dynasty  ....  39 

Yoke  Bells,  Shang  Dynasty  .....  39 

Bronze  Vase,  Han  Dynasty  . . . . . 44 

Bronze  Vessel,  Han  Dynasty  (Collection  of  Paul  Ho)  47 
Bronze  Wine  Vessel,  Chow  Dynasty  ...  49 

Two  Bronze  Vessels  of  the  Ch’i  Hou  Set  . . 54 

Two  Bronze  Vessels  of  the  Ch’i  Hou  Set  . . 56 

Sacrificial  Vessels  on  Altar  of  Confucian  Temple  . 58 

Bronze  Figure  of  Unicorn,  Han  Dynasty  . . 61 

Bronze  Figure  of  Wei  T’o,  T’ang  Dynasty  . . 63 

[vii] 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Jade  Tube,  Han  Dynasty 

. 

. 

PAGE 

6? 

Detail  of  Decoration  on  Jade  Tube 

• 

. 

67 

Jade  Carving  of  Dancing  Woman,  Chow 

Dynasty 

68 

Jade  Amulet,  Han  Dynasty 

• 

69 

Jade  Dagger,  Han  Dynasty 

. 

70 

Jade  Disk,  Han  Dynasty 

• 

7' 

Jade  Disk-Tablet,  Han  Dynasty 

s 

7' 

Jade  Tablet,  Chow  Dynasty  . 

• 

73 

Jade  Cup,  Sung  Dynasty 

• 

76 

Detail  of  Decoration  on  Jade  Cup  . 

• 

77 

Jade  Bell,  Sung  Dynasty 

• 

79 

Jade  Dragon  Carving,  Sung  Dynasty 

• 

80 

Jade  Pendant,  Han  Dynasty  . 

• 

80 

LECTURE  III 

Tablet  of  Buddha  Preaching  . 

83 

Wen  Shu- Yang  Stone 

88 

Funerary-Chamber  Decoration 

89 

Feng  Stone  Pillars 

91 

Confucius  Meeting  Laotse 

92 

Shen  Memorial  Pillars  . 

95 

Li  Hsi  Stone  ..... 

97 

Stone  of  Funerary  Chamber  . 

98 

She  Yang  Stone  .... 

101 

View  of  Lung  Men 

i°3 

Interior  of  Small  Grotto,  Lung  Men 

105 

Wei  Dynasty  Figures  at  Lung  Men 

107 

Stone  Figure  of  Amita  Buddha 

109 

Yung  Hsi  Tablet  .... 

1 1 1 

Maitreya  ..... 

1 1 3 

Four  Li-ch’eng  Tablets  . 

• i >4* 

« 15 

Eight  Steeds,  by  Chao  Meng-fu 

• 

1 17 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

PACE 

Bamboo  Leaves  Arranged  as  Ideographs  . . .117 

Decorative  Design  on  Tablet,  T’ang  Dynasty  . 1 18 

T’ang  Dynasty  Figure  at  Lung  Men  . . .119 

Clay  Figure  of  a General  . . . . .122 

Pottery  Pilgrim  Bottle,  Sung  Dynasty  . . .126 

“Olive”  Pottery  Vase  . . . . . .127 

Pottery  Cremation  Receptacle  . . . .129 

Eight- Panel  Pottery  Jar  , . . . .131 

Porcelain  Vase  Decorated  for  Imperial  Use  . . 132 

LECTURE  IV 

Colophon  of  the  “Five  Venerable  Men”  . . 135 

Letter  of  Chu  Hsi  . . . . . .141 

Annotation  of  Weng  Fang-kang  . . . .141 

Chia  Hsing  Script  of  Wang  Hsi-chih  . . .145 

Colophons  of  Su  Shih  and  Su  Ch’e  . . . .147 

Colophons  of  Li  Hung-fu  and  Wang  Tsin-ch’ing  . 147 

Loh  Hsiong  Script  of  Mi  Fei  . . . . .149 

Colophon  of  Chao  Mf.ng-fu  . . . . .151 

Colophon  of  Tung  Ch’i-ch’ang  . . . . 153 

Two  Examples  of  “Regular”  Writing  . . . 155 

Two  Examples  of  “Running”  Writing  . . .159 

Example  of  “Draft”  Writing  ....  163 

LECTURE  V 

Home  Again:  The  Return  of  T’ao  Yuan  Ming  . 173 

The  Arhats  . . . . . . .173 

The  Ten  Horses  . . . . . . .177 

Searching  for  Truth  . . . . . . 1 8 1 

The  Ticer  ........  183 

Black  and  White  Sketch  by  Ni  Tsan  . . .185 

Hill  in  Clouds  . • . . . . - 1 93 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

Landscape  by  Wen  Cheng-ming  . . . .198 

Cartoon,  T’ang  Dynasty  .....  200 

The  Hills  of  Kuei-chi  ......  201 


LECTURE  VI 


Portrait  of  Kuo  Tzu-i  ... 

2 1 1 

Kuan  Yin,  Goddess  of  Mercy  . 

. 214 

The  Lion  and  Barbarians 

• 2 * 7 

A Priest  in  Contemplation 

219 

Birds  on  a Prunus  Branch 

. 222 

The  Lone  Fisherman 

226 

Landscape  by  Kuo  Hsi 

. 229 

A Tartar  Horseman 

• 232 

The  Three  Horses 

• 234 

Egrets  among  Lotus  Flowers  . 

. 236 

The  Four  Magpies 

00 

A Statesman  ..... 

. 240 

Examining  the  Points  of  a Horse 

. 241 

lx] 


THE  CHINESE  DYNASTIES 


Hsia  Dynasty 
Shang  Dynasty 
Chow  Dynasty 
Ts’in  Dynasty 
Han  Dynasty 
Wei  Dynasty 
Tsin  Dynasty 
Six  Dynasties 
T’ang  Dynasty 
Eive  Dynasties 
Sung  Dynasty 
Chin  Dynasty 
Yuan  Dynasty 
Ming  Dynasty 
Ch’ing  Dynasty 
Republic  of  China 


2205-1766  B.C. 
1766-1122  B.C. 
1 122-255  B.C. 
255-206  B.C. 
206  B.C.-220  A.D. 
220-264  A'D* 
265-420  A.D. 

420-618  A.D. 
618-906  A.D. 
907-960  A.D. 
960-I277  A.D. 
I II5-I260  A.D. 
I277-I368  A.D. 
1368-1644  A.D. 
1 644-T9 1 2 A.D. 
I9I2 


[xi] 


ENTRANCE  TO  GOVERNMENT  MUSEUM,  PEKING 
\VU  YING  TIEN 


I 


INTRODUCTION 

The  Government  Museum  at  Peking,  contain- 
ing some  of  the  best  art  treasures  of  China,  is 
unique  among  the  museums  of  the  world.  In 
architectural  design  and  detail  and  in  historical 
surroundings,  as  well  as  in  the  examples  of  art 
products  stored  within  its  walls,  this  Museum  is 
exclusively  and  characteristically  Chinese.  The 
bronzes  and  jades,  paintings  and  manuscripts, 
pottery  and  porcelain,  inks  and  writing-brushes, 
all  owe  their  common  origin  to  the  genius  of  the 
Chinese  race.  This  Museum  has  not  needed  to 
borrow  from  other  nations  examples  of  an  earlier 
art,  out  of  which  its  own  development  has  directly 
or  indirectly  sprung;  on  the  contrary,  the  art 
spirit  which  found  its  expression  in  these  various 
forms  during  the  historic  period  joins  hands  even 
with  the  earliest  mythological  and  legendary  tra- 
ditions of  the  country. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  inherent  right  of 
an  artistic  people  to  interpret  its  own  art  and  to 
determine  its  own  standards  of  relative  values. 
It  is  naturally  of  some  concern  for  us  to  know  what 
impression  Chinese  art  objects  have  made  upon 

[i] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


neighboring  nations,  upon  western  students  and 
western  art  critics,  but  such  opinions  as  may  have 
been  expressed  in  these  quarters  have  no  finality, 
except  in  so  far  as  they  are  based  upon  accepted 
canons  found  in  the  extensive  art  literature  of 
China.  It  is  quite  right  for  other  nations  to 
decide  upon  the  importance  of  Chinese  art  in 
comparison  with  that  of  other  ancient  nations, 
such  as  Greece,  Rome,  or  Egypt,  and  to  assign  to 
it  only  such  moiety  of  consideration  as  its  pre- 
viously determined  relative  merit  justifies.  This 
is  a comparative  study  of  art;  but  in  the  realm  of 
Chinese  art  studied  by  itself,  its  own  standards 
must  prevail.  The  explorer  in  this  new  world,  if 
indeed  it  is  a new  world  to  him,  must  not  carry 
the  ready-made  compass  perfected  by  his  own 
countrymen;  for  the  divergent  currents  of  wind 
and  water  will  so  distort  its  guiding  needle  that 
it  will  prove  useless  to  him.  His  compass  must 
be  obtained  in  the  country  whose  art  product  he 
studies,  so  that  it  may  be  fully  corrected  and  ad- 
justed. It  must  not  be  taken  for  granted  that 
what  is  new  to  the  explorer  has  been  unknown 
or  unstudied  by  the  age-long  inhabitants  of  the 
country,  especially  as  the  race  with  which  he  is 
dealing  in  this  instance  has  been  devoted  to  cul- 
tural pursuits  during  the  whole  of  its  long  history. 
Though  his  methods  of  observation  may  be  more 

[2] 


INTRODUCTION 


scientific  and  accurate  than  those  of  the  people 
whose  product  he  is  studying,  an  explorer,  if  wise, 
will  give  his  first  attention  to  the  classification 
and  elucidation  of  such  facts  as  are  disclosed  to 
him  by  those  whose  opportunity  of  observation 
has  been  earlier  and  wider  than  his  own. 

The  art  of  China  is  interesting  to  students  of 
other  countries  in  proportion  as  it  is  entirely 
national  and  expresses  the  ideals  and  spirit  of  this 
ancient  people.  It  cannot  properly  be  classified 
as  one  division  of  a widely  pervading  art  of  Asia, 
for  the  interaction  of  outside  forces  which  have 
resulted  from  intercourse  with  other  nations  has 
had  relatively  small  influence  upon  its  evolu- 
tion. One  cannot  use  the  phrase  “Art  of  Asia” 
with  the  same  freedom  as  in  the  use  of  the  generic 
term  “European  Art,”  for  all  art  in  Europe  leads 
back  during  an  authentic  period  of  history  to  com- 
mon sources  in  Greece  and  Rome.  In  Asia  the 
earliest  historical  records  carry  us  back  to  several 
civilizations  which  had  already  existed  long  enough 
to  have  been  moulded  into  distinct  types,  but  leave 
us  only  to  conjecture,  when  we  attempt  to  trace 
their  sources  or  inter-relations.  It  is,  however, 
fairly  clear  that  China,  at  least,  has  a civilization 
and  an  art  the  fountains  of  which  bubble  forth 
from  her  own  territory.  In  order  to  understand 
Chinese  art,  a knowledge  of  that  of  India,  Japan, 

[3] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


or  Persia  is  not  necessary,  no  matter  how  desirable 
it  may  be  as  throwing  side-lights  upon  the  subject. 
The  only  accurate  viewpoint  for  the  study  of  the 
art  of  China  is  from  the  center  of  its  own  cultural 
development. 

In  China  art  is  the  expression  of  culture.  What 
was  known  by  the  Greeks  as  paideia  and  by  the 
Romans  as  humanitas  is  known  to  the  Chinese  as 
hsioh  or  wen,  meaning  thereby  the  refinement  in 
manners  and  taste  acquired  by  mental  and  moral 
training.  While  they  have  never  underestimated 
the  value  of  technique,  there  has  been  no  thought 
of  making  manual  dexterity  the  central  principle 
of  art.  Conformity  to  culture  has  been  the  first 
essential  of  art  expression,  and  culture  is  the  out- 
growth of  noble  national  ideals.  Technique  has 
been  given  credit  for  the  clever  products  of  artistic 
workmen,  even  when  these  products  have  been 
denied  a place  in  the  temple  of  art.  In  this 
temple,  only  that  which  is  in  accord  with,  and  con- 
tributes to,  the  spirit  of  culture  finds  a place,  no 
matter  how  beautiful  or  aesthetic  it  may  be  in  itself. 
There  has  never  been  an  attempt  to  train  a painter, 
for  example,  by  teaching  him  a clever  method  of 
performance;  the  aim  has  always  been  to  fill  the 
soul  with  spiritual  culture,  before  training  the  hand 
to  be  expert  in  the  use  of  expressive  materials. 
In  some  instances,  such  as  in  the  production  of 

W 


INTRODUCTION 


bronzes  and  jades,  even  the  personality  of  the 
artist  has  been  entirely  subservient  to  the 
supreme  demand  that  his  product  should  con- 
form to  national  ideals.  The  greatest  skill  of  an 
artist  consisted  not  infrequently  in  so  effacing 
his  own  individuality  that  the  first  thought  of  a 
beholder  was  not  of  the  skill  of  the  artist,  but  of 
the  beauty,  grace,  or  dignity  of  the  object  and  of 
its  place  in  the  accumulating  culture  of  his  race. 

What  is,  and  has  been,  the  culture  of  China 
which  has  determined  its  art  life  ? It  has  been, 
for  one  thing,  a devotion  to  ceremony — family 
and  tribal.  Respect  for  rulers,  reverence  for 
parents  and  seniors — these  two  principles  were 
the  foundation  upon  which  the  family  and  the 
state  rested.  They  were  responsible  for  the 
occasions  which  caused  to  be  produced  the  earli- 
est Chinese  art  objects  of  which  we  have  any 
knowledge.  These  are  bronze  vessels  which  were 
used  at  family  or  tribal  gatherings.  On  all 
such  occasions,  ceremonial  observances  were  care- 
fully prescribed  in  minute  detail.  We  know 
from  the  accounts  of  the  Shang  dynasty  (b.c. 
1766-1122),  as  found  in  the  Shu  King,  that  there 
was  careful  regulation  of  ceremonies  prescribed  for 
the  emperor,  his  officers  of  state,  and  all  others 
associated  with  the  court.  These  became  fixed 
during  the  Chow  dynasty  (b.c.  1 122-255)  with 

[5]” 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


such  rigidity  that  they  have  controlled  the  cere- 
monial and  ritualistic  life  of  the  Chinese  down 
to  the  present  time.  During  the  attempt  to 
revive  monarchical  government  in  1915,  the  cere- 
monial rites  which  were  introduced  were  based 
upon  those  of  the  Chow  dynasty,  even  to  the  style 
of  garments  worn  by  the  participants  in  the  wor- 
ship at  the  Altar  of  Heaven. 

This  devotion  to  ceremonial  observance  has 
been  even  trajected  into  the  legendary  period 
of  the  Three  Emperors  and  Five  Sovereigns, 
San  Huang,  Wu  Ti.  There  were  three  races  of 
emperors — the  heavenly,  the  earthly,  and  the 
human — and  each  received  its  due  proportion  of 
respect.  The  five  houses  of  sovereigns  had  fanci- 
ful names,  such  as  the  Nest-Builders,  Yu-ch’ao, 
and  the  Fire-Producers,  Sui-jen.  These  imagi- 
nary creatures  were  fabricated  by  the  Chinese,  so 
as  to  account  for  the  culture  which  the  earliest 
literary  records  found  existing.  They  are  the 
evident  invention  of  later  times  and  are  valuable 
only  as  showing  the  stage  of  advancement  reached 
in  China  at  the  beginning  of  the  historical  period. 
The  interest  in  this  present  discussion  in  them  is 
the  light  they  throw  upon  the  ceremonial  ob- 
servances which  must  have  been  well  established 
among  the  Chinese  in  ancient  times,  since  we 
find  them  in  full  force  at  the  dawn  of  authentic 

16] 


INTRODUCTION 


history.  The  only  way  in  which  Chinese  his- 
torians have  been  able  to  account  for  them  has 
been  by  the  manufacture  of  mythological  and 
legendary  creations. 

The  Nine  Tripods,  chiu  ting,  said  to  have  been 
cast  by  the  emperor  Yii  out  of  metal  sent  to  him 
from  the  nine  divisions  of  the  empire,  are  the 
earliest  bronze  vessels  mentioned.  The  Tso 
Chuan , in  its  comments  on  the  Ctiun  Ts’iu , says: 
“When  the  virtue  of  Chieh,  the  last  emperor 
of  the  Hsia  dynasty,  was  obscured,  the  tripods 
were  transferred  to  Shang  for  600  years.  Chow 
Sin  (the  last  emperor  of  the  Shang  dynasty)  proved 
cruel  and  oppressive,  and  they  were  transferred  to 
Chow.  Ch’eng  Wang  fixed  the  tripods  in  Chia-yu 
and  divined  that  his  dynasty  should  extend 
through  thirty  reigns,  over  700  years.”  In  this 
account  we  have  all  that  is  known  of  the  location 
and  use  of  these  bronze  tripods,  and  I fully  agree 
with  Legge  and  Hirth  as  to  the  genuineness  of 
the  records.  The  ascription  of  their  casting  to 
Yii  may  be  considered  doubtful  or  be  rejected 
entirely,  but  the  use  of  these  tripods  in  the 
Hsia,  Shang,  and  Chow  dynasties  is  well  estab- 
lished. They  were  the  central  objects  of  the 
grand  ceremonial  observances  of  the  state,  as  well 
as  the  symbol  of  the  possession  of  the  imperial 
power. 


[7] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


The  family  life  was  also  carefully  regulated  as 
to  ceremonial  observances.  We  learn  from  in- 
scriptions on  early  bronzes  that  in  some  cases  they 
were  presented  by  sons  to  fathers,  probably  on  the 
occasion  of  the  anniversary  of  birthdays,  and  they 
were  used  in  offering  sacrifices  and  libations  to 
the  spirits  of  ancestors.  Exploits  in  war  and  cele- 
bration of  special  honors  received  by  a member  of 
the  family  are  recorded  in  these  inscriptions  on 
vessels,  so  that  confirmation  is  given  of  the  earliest 
literary  references  to  the  elaborate  and  minute 
ceremonial  observed  in  the  family.  The  higher 
the  status  of  the  family,  the  more  precise  the  cere- 
monial. The  daily  routine  of  the  emperor  was  so 
carefully  laid  out  and  the  observances  so  onerous 
that  no  leisure  time  could  have  been  left  to  him 
if  he  faithfully  performed  his  prescribed  duties. 

Associated  with  ceremonial  observances  was  the 
practice  of  divination,  by  which  it  was  attempted 
to  discover  the  will  of  High  Heaven  and  to 
know  in  advance  the  events  of  life.  The  instru- 
ments of  divination  were  the  carapace  of  the 
tortoise,  animal  bones,  and  stalks  of  milfoil.  The 
tortoise  shells  or  bones  were  subjected  to  heat, 
and  then  portents  were  read  from  the  designs  of 
the  resultant  cracks;  the  milfoil  was  observed  as 
to  the  direction  in  which  it  swayed.  Divination 
must  have  begun  very  early,  as  we  find  it  at  the 

[8] 


INTRODUCTION 


beginning  of  literary  records.  In  the  Counsels 
of  Yu,  the  great  emperor  Shun  is  credited  with  hav- 
ing performed  its  rites  and  is  said  to  have  warned 
his  successor  Yu  that  divination,  even  when  for- 
tunate, must  not  be  repeated.  It  was  practiced 
in  the  Shang  dynasty  by  P’an  Keng,  and  the  palace 
of  the  Chow  dynasty  had  a full  staff  of  diviners 
attached  to  it.  These  augurs  had  a high  stand- 
ing among  the  officers  of  the  state,  just  as  in  Rome 
after  Caesar’s  time  the  sixteen  members  of  the 
college  of  augurs  ranked  next  after  the  pontifical 
college.  The  reading  of  portents,  omens,  and  col- 
location of  signs  became  the  subject  of  careful 
study  by  the  most  learned  men.  Its  greatest 
treasure-house  of  lore  is  found  in  the  “Book  of 
Changes” — I King.  The  influence  of  this  little- 
understood  classic  upon  Chinese  life  and  thought 
is  one  of  the  most  important  factors  in  any 
investigation  of  the  origin  of  art  in  China  and  of 
its  inspiration.  It  is  indissolubly  connected  with 
the  doctrines  and  practices  of  Taoism,  founded 
by  Laotse. 

Ceremonies  and  portents  represent  the  essential 
spirit  of  the  culture  of  the  people  of  ancient  China, 
out  of  which  art  first  developed.  There  was 
some  scope  for  the  creation  of  objects  of  imagina- 
tion and  taste,  but  never  without  reference  to  their 
utility  on  ceremonial  or  divining  occasions.  Art, 

[9] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


from  the  first,  struggled  against  the  restraints  of  its 
surrounding  cultural  life.  Its  first  reputed  results 
were  in  the  decoration  of  the  Nine  Tripods  with 
“remarkable  objects,’’  designed  to  teach  the  people 
to  recognize  the  sprites  of  the  hills  and  rivers,  and 
thus  not  be  injured  by  their  malign  influences. 
Then  came  representation  of  the  phoenix,  the 
dragon,  clouds  and  thunder,  ox-heads  and  ogres, 
t'ao-t'ieh,  used  in  decorating  bronze  vessels  and 
jade  objects,  and  along  with  these  the  beginnings 
of  ideographs,  which  later  developed  into  written 
language.  There  seems  to  have  been  no  difference 
between  the  early  use  of  pictographs  and  ideo- 
graphs. Both  were  used  for  decorating  objects. 
Their  artistic  quality  lay  in  their  being  works  of 
imagination  and  not  tracings  of  known  objects. 
The  distinction  between  the  representation  of 
objects  and  of  ideas  is  expressed  in  geometric 
terms  as  that  between  the  round  and  the  square. 
In  the  “Book  of  Changes’’  it  is  said  the  round, 
t'u , came  from  Ho  and  the  square,  shu , from  Lo. 
The  “round”  refers  to  the  marks  which  the 
mythological  Fu  Hsi  is  reputed  to  have  found  on 
the  back  of  a dragon  horse  and  from  which  he 
evolved  the  Eight  Diagrams.  These  diagrams 
were  found  in  circles,  and  from  them  came  the 
principles  of  map-drawing,  decoration,  and  imagi- 
native designs.  The  “square”  forms  evolved 

[io] 


INTRODUCTION 


from  the  signs  found  on  the  shell  of  a tortoise, 
when  the  mythical  emperor  Yu  was  engaged  in  his 
great  work  of  regulating  the  waters  of  the  empire, 
and  are  the  reputed  prototypes  of  ideographs. 
They  were  the  numbers  from  one  to  nine  arranged 
in  an  order  which  he  used  in  fixing  the  nine  divi- 
sions of  his  work  or  the  nine  provinces.  Each 


HO  T’U  LO  SHU 


portion  of  each  number  is  said  to  have  been  an 
ideograph,  and  there  was  much  discussion  among 
early  Chinese  scholars  as  to  the  number  of  these 
characters  found.  The  Han  Shu  mentions  the 
fact  that  characters  were  found  on  tortoise  shells 
by  Yu,  but  gives  no  number.  The  use  of  shells 
with  inscriptions  of  characters  in  prehistoric 
days  is  confirmed  by  the  finds  in  Ho-nan  province 
of  similar  bones  and  shells  in  recent  years.  One 
need  not  stretch  his  credulity  to  the  point  of 
believing  in  these  extraordinary  accounts  of  the 
origin  of  pictographs  and  ideographs.  It  is  only 

In] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


necessary  to  realize  that  both  appeared  so  early 
in  the  cultural  life  of  China  that  the  first  literary 
records  found  it  necessary  to  assign  some  method 
of  their  first  production.  The  fanciful  tales  of 
their  origin  may  be  discarded,  but  the  fact  of  their 
existence  at  the  dawn  of  history  must  be  admitted. 
Thus  the  roots  of  art  in  China  strike  deep  into  a 
time  when  the  processes  of  divination  and  the 
ceremonial  life  of  family  and  tribe  were  inseparably 
joined. 

The  impress  of  this  union  is  seen  in  the  com- 
bination of  invention,  science,  literature,  and 
art  which  came  to  be  known  as  the  “Six  Arts,” 
luh  i.  These  were  ritual,  music,  archery,  chariot- 
eering, writing,  and  calculation.  Of  these  there 
are  only  three  which  agree  with  our  conception 
of  the  essentials  of  artistic  production.  They 
are  ritual,  music,  and  writing.  Ritual  can 
properly  occupy  the  same  place  among  the  fine 
arts  which  we  give  to  dancing,  while  writing  can  be 
substituted  for  our  drawing.  Thus  in  compari- 
son with  our  western  conception  of  the  fine  arts 
as  consisting  of  painting,  drawing,  architecture, 
and  sculpture,  with  the  addition  of  poetry,  music, 
dancing,  and  dramatic  art,  the  ancient  Chinese 
omitted  all  but  the  three  already  mentioned  and 
added  in  their  stead  the  arts  of  archery,  chariot- 
eering, and  calculation.  Archery  was  not  only 

[12] 


INTRODUCTION 


connected  with  skill  in  hitting  a mark,  but  with 
graceful  movements  of  the  body,  as  was  fitting  to 
the  exercise  of  a gentleman.  This  allies  archery  to 
the  movements  of  formal  dancing.  Charioteering 
offered  a fine  chance  for  ornamental  decoration 
of  chariots  and  equipage,  all  of  which  should  be 
suited  to  the  occasion  on  which  it  was  displayed 
and  to  the  rank  of  the  owner.  This  could  be  done 
only  by  one  who  possessed  an  artistic  spirit. 
Calculation  was  originally  associated  with  land- 
plotting and  map-drawing.  The  Li  Ki  has  a 
passage  in  which  it  is  said,  “The  question  as  to 
the  wealth  of  a sovereign  can  be  answered  by 
a calculation  of  the  size  of  his  territory.”  The 
implication  of  this  passage,  considered  in  the  light 
of  the  inclusion  of  calculation  as  one  of  the  six  arts, 
seems  to  me  to  be  that  the  amount  of  territory 
could  be  calculated  as  the  result  of  maps  made 
from  surveys  and  that  in  this  connection  calcula- 
tion really  meant  mensuration.  This  is  the  only 
explanation  which  allows  for  artistic  expression 
in  the  process  of  calculation.  In  modern  times  a 
new  term,  mei  shu,  has  been  introduced  into 
Chinese  literature  to  express  the  idea  of  the 
“fine  arts,”  and  the  phrase  has  been  generally 
adopted.  It  conforms  to  our  western  idea  of 
including  music,  poetry,  sculpture,  and  archi- 
tecture with  painting  as  the  fine  arts  and  is  a 

[13] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


useful  nomenclature.  It  must,  however,  be  recog- 
nized as  a modern  term  used  to  explain  the  art  of 
western  countries  and  more  or  less  at  variance  with 
early  Chinese  usage. 

The  original  point  of  divergence  of  Chinese  art 
from  that  of  Greece  and  Rome  is  found  in  the 
contrasting  type  of  their  civilizations.  China 
found  her  ideals  in  the  filial  piety  of  the  home  and 
the  fidelity  of  the  people  to  their  ruler.  This 
accounted  for  ceremony  as  the  correct  regulation 
of  the  relations  of  life,  in  accordance  with  the 
will  of  the  all-dominating  High  Heaven,  and  for 
divination  as  a natural  desire  to  know  how  future 
events  would  affect  these  relations.  Greece  and 
Rome,  on  the  other  hand,  had  ideals  of  political 
freedom  and  of  the  importance  of  individual  men 
in  the  scheme  of  the  universe.  In  a word,  the 
early  civilization  of  China  centered  around  the 
gentleman,  chun,  while  that  of  Greece  and  Rome 
placed  man,  homo , at  the  center. 

In  view  of  the  foregoing,  it  will  be  readily  con- 
ceded that  Chinese  art  is  indigenous.  It  could  not 
have  had  its  origin  in  a culture  other  than  that 
found  on  the  soil  of  China.  The  similarities  which 
it  bears  to  that  of  other  countries  are  accounted 
for  by  the  common  traits  shared  alike  by  all 
nations.  This  culture  was  in  close  touch  with 
surrounding  nature.  Just  as  to  ancient  shepherd 

[14] 


INTRODUCTION 


peoples  the  starry  firmament  took  on  the  animal 
shapes  of  the  zodiac,  such  as  taurus,  leo,  scorpio, 
etc.,  so  to  the  agricultural  race  of  ancient  Chinese 
the  powers  of  nature  which  controlled  their  for- 
tunes resolved  themselves  into  animal  forms. 
The  clouds  gathering  before  a summer  thunder- 
shower took  on  the  form  of  a dragon  with  huge 

-fi 


IDEOGRAPH  LUNG, 

MEANING  DRAGON 

head,  wide-spreading  feet,  and  elongated  tail. 
This  was  the  spirit  of  the  wind  and  the  rain,  which 
brought  productivity  to  their  soil.  Thus  the 
dragon  was  included  among  the  four  beneficent 
animals — unicorn,  phoenix,  turtle,  and  dragon. 
The  first  two  were  associated  with  the  coming  of 
spring  life  and  the  last  two  with  fructifying  sum- 
mer rains.  These  four  animal  shapes  were  among 
the  first  used  in  decoration  of  bronzes,  and  they 

[15] 


IDEOGRAPH  LU, 
MEANING  DEER 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


were  intended  as  stimulus  to  good  thoughts.  I 
cannot  agree  with  Professor  Hirth  that  “the 
names  of  dragon  and  phoenix  occur  in  the  oldest 
literature,  but  the  shapes  in  which  they  are 
represented  in  these  older  works  of  art  are  quite 
different  from  the  elaborate  pictures  made  of  them 
by  later  artists,”  nor  with  Chavannes  that  “this 
group  of  fantastic  conventionalization  [i.e.,  of 
dragons  and  phoenix]  is  perhaps  not  Chinese  at 
all,  from  the  outset,  and,  in  any  case,  not  so  old 
as  one  would  feel  tempted  to  believe.  I find  be- 
fore the  Han  period  nothing  that  resembles  the 
phoenix.”  These  opinions  are  not  in  accord  with 
the  best  authorities  in  Chinese  archeology.  Yuan 
Yuan,  in  Volume  V,  notes  a libation  cup,  tsioh, 
with  an  inscription  of  one  character,  which  repre- 
sents a phoenix  perching  on  a tree.  This  cup  now 
belongs  to  the  Ch’en  family,  at  Wei-hsien.  Hsieh 
Shan-kung,  in  Volume  V,  mentions  a vase,  ku, 
with  the  inscription  of  an  ideograph  in  the  shape 
of  a dragon,  and  assigns  the  vase  to  the  Shang 
dynasty.  This  vase  was  owned  in  recent  years  by 
the  Yeh  family,  of  Han-yang,  opposite  Hankow. 
I have  seen  a vessel  which  has  been  assigned  to 
the  Shang  dynasty  by  Wu  Chung-hsi,  on  which  is 
a decoration  of  phoenix  cast  in  delicate,  fine  lines. 

With  these  kindly  creatures  were  associated 
in  decoration  other  objects  of  frightful  mien  and 

[ 1 6] 


INTRODUCTION 


sinister  purpose,  which  were  meant  as  a warning 
against  evil  deeds.  One  of  these,  found  most 
frequently,  is  the  ogre,  t'ao-t'ieh , which  Hirth 
allows  to  be  a Chinese  invention.  It  has  large  pro- 
truding eyes  and  a terrifying  face,  thus  warning 


BRONZE  VESSEL  DECORATED 
WITH  FACE  OF  OGRE  T’AO-T’IEH 

the  beholder  against  greed  and  gluttony.  It  is 
among  the  earliest  decorative  motives.  Whether 
malevolent  or  benevolent,  the  creatures  used  for 
decorative  purposes  on  the  earliest  bronzes  are 
in  every  instance  products  of  Chinese  imagination 
based  upon  the  type  of  life  which  prevailed  in 
the  ancient  life  of  the  country. 

[17] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Apart  from  bronzes  and  jades,  which  carry  us 
back  to  the  culture  of  the  Shang  dynasty,  and  the 
inscriptions  on  bone,  which  possibly  carry  us  a 


BRONZE  VESSEL  WITH  DECORATION  OF  PIIOENIN 


little  farther,  there  is  as  yet  no  external  evidence 
confirming  the  accounts  found  in  the  “ Book  of 
History” — Shu  King.  The  records  of  Yao  and 
Shun,  as  well  as  of  the  engineering  works  ot  the 
great  Yii,  must  for  the  present  be  considered  as 

[18] 


INTRODUCTION 


the  afterthoughts  of  a later  age,  which  sought 
to  deduce  the  civilization  known  to  it  from  some 
earlier  source  with  which  it  could  find  itself  in 
agreement.  The  discovery  of  the  “ Bamboo 
Books,”  about  a.d.  280,  confirmed  the  records 
of  Ssu-ma  Ch’ien  but  added  little  to  the  informa- 
tion found  in  this  author’s  Shi  Ki.  Compared 
with  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  cities  of  Egypt  or 
Assyria,  China  is  lacking  in  monumental  remains 
of  her  civilization,  which  must  have  been  coeval 
with,  or  prior  to,  that  of  these  other  ancient  races. 
This  is  accounted  for,  in  large  measure,  by  the 
unfavorable  climatic  and  soil  conditions  of  China 
as  compared  with  those  of  these  two  countries. 

There  are  no  authentic  stone  tablets  earlier  than 
the  Han  dynasty.  An  ancient  tablet  at  Yung- 
ning, Kuei-chow  province,  without  date,  has  been 
assigned,  but  on  doubtful  authority,  to  the  Chow 
dynasty.  Another  tablet  at  Tan-yang,  Kiang-su 
province,  has  an  inscription  in  seal  characters 
which  were  supposed  to  have  been  written  origi- 
nally by  Confucius.  This  tablet  bears  on  its 
face  the  record  that  the  inscription  was  recut 
in  a.d.  799,  during  the  reign  of  Ta  Li,  of  the  T’ang 
dynasty,  and  it  is  impossible  to  confirm  from  any 
existing  records  the  genuineness  of  the  statement 
which  alleges  that  Confucius  wrote  the  characters 
which  were  thereon  inscribed.  There  is  also  a 

[19] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


tablet  at  Tsan-huang,  Chih-li  province,  which  is 
supposed  to  have  been  written  by  Mu  Wang, 
of  the  Chow  dynasty,  and  others  at  Chi  hsien, 
Ho-nan  province,  and  Ta-hsing,  Chih-li  province, 
which  are  similarly  ascribed  to  the  Chow  dynasty. 
In  addition  to  these,  there  are  some  brick  tiles 
of  the  Ts’in  dynasty  (b.c.  255-206)  the  genuine- 
ness of  which  seems  to  be  undoubted.  There  are 
also  four  stone  monuments  assigned  to  the  Ts’in 
dynasty  in  the  well-known  “Records  of  Tablets,” 
Fang  Pei  Lu.  The  most  famous  of  these  tablets 
is  the  one  located  on  the  top  of  T’ai-shan,  which 
is  usually  spoken  of  as  Wu-tzu  pei.  This  is  re- 
puted to  have  been  set  up  by  the  emperor  Shih 
Huang.  The  other  three  monuments  ascribed  to 
this  period  are  located  at  Chu-ch’eng,  Shan-tung 
province,  at  Hsi-an,  Shen-si  province,  and  at  Kuei- 
chi,  Cheh-kiang  province.  There  is  a stone  of  the 
Han  dynasty  ascribed  to  b.c.  143,  but  there  has 
been  much  discussion  as  to  the  correctness  of  this 
claim.  The  earliest  authentic  stone  tablet  is  that 
found  at  Ch’ii-fu,  Shan-tung  province,  the  birth- 
place of  Confucius,  and  is  dated  the  sixth  month  of 
the  second  year  of  Wu  Feng,  i.e.,  b.c.  56.  It  must 
be  frankly  admitted  that  it  is  disappointing  to  the 
student  of  Chinese  art-archeology  that  he  can  find 
no  earlier  remains  in  stone  than  are  at  present 
known  to  Chinese  scholars. 

[20] 


INTRODUCTION 


The  earliest  historical  stone  relics  are  the  Stone 
Drums,  Shi/i  Ku,  now  located  on  either  side  of  the 
main  entrance  to  the  Confucian  Temple,  Kuo-tzu 
Chien,  Peking.  These  were  discovered  in  the 
seventh  century,  in  the  prefecture  of  Feng-hsiang, 
Shen-si  province,  and  set  up  in  the  Confucian 
Temple  of  this  city  in  the  ninth  century.  They 
were  removed  to  K’ai-feng,  Ho-nan,  by  the  Sung 
emperors,  who  filled  the  incisions  of  the  char- 
acters with  pure  gold.  When  the  Nii-chen 
Tartars  captured  the  Sung  capital,  these  drums 
were  carried  off  to  Peking,  where  they  were 
installed  in  their  present  position  in  1307  by  Kuo 
Shou-ching.  There  are  ten  of  these  drums,  and 
on  each  one  an  ode  is  inscribed.  These  odes  cele- 
brate a hunting  and  fishing  expedition  to  Mount 
Ch’i,  located  in  the  district  where  the  drums 
were  exhumed.  They  describe  the  elaborate 
preparations  made  for  a grand  military  review, 
by  the  leveling  of  roads  and  deepening  of  water 
courses.  There  is  no  internal  evidence  by  which 
these  drums  can  be  assigned  to  a definite  date, 
but  the  consensus  of  opinion  among  Chinese 
scholars — with  which  I fully  agree — refers  them  to 
the  reign  of  Hsiian  Wang  (b.c.  827-782),  of  the 
Chow  dynasty.  Bushell  is  inclined  to  place  them 
even  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Ch’eng  Wang  (b.c 
1 1 15-1079),  while  Chavannes  would  assign  them 

[21] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


to  a king  of  the  Ts’in  state,  about  b.c.  300.  Their 
only  decoration  is  the  inscriptions,  and  their 
artistic  appeal  is  in  their  shape.  They  are  pri- 
marily of  interest  to  archeologists  and  philologists, 
but  by  the  Chinese  are  reckoned  as  part  of  the  art 
product  of  their  country. 

Enormous  as  was  the  labor  expended  in  the 
construction  of  the  Great  Wall,  for  a long  period 
of  time  during  the  existence  of  the  ancient  states  of 
Ts’in,  Chou,  and  Yen  down  to  its  lengthening 
by  the  First  Emperor  of  the  Ts’in  dynasty  (b.c. 
221-209),  I do  not  remember  to  have  seen  it 
used  as  a motive  in  any  early  work  of  art,  whether 
in  stone,  jade,  or  painting.  Even  the  watch 
towers  which  have  been  preserved  from  the 
Han  dynasty  in  pottery  represent  the  type  found 
throughout  Shen-si  rather  than  those  of  the  Great 
Wall.  There  are  many  allusions  to  hunting  trips 
and  military  excursions  through  the  mountain 
passes,  but  none  that  I have  discovered  to  the  wall 
itself.  It  was  considered  wholly  as  a military  ne- 
cessitv  and  not  as  an  outcome  of  the  genius  or  spirit 
of  the  people.  Not  so  with  early  architectural 
structures.  These  have  claimed  a share  in  the 
artistic  development  of  the  nation.  The  mytho- 
logical Huang  Ti,  of  the  twenty-seventh  century 
b.c.,  is  reputed  to  have  taught  the  people  to  make 
bricks  and  build  houses.  He  erected  a sacrificial 

[22] 


T’lEH  T’A,  IRON  PAGODA,  K’AI- 
FENG,  HO-NAN  PROVINCE, 
BUILT  A.D.  1396 


FANG  T’A,  SQUARE  PAGODA,  K’AI-FENG,  HO-NAN  PROVINCE, 
ELEVENTH  CENTURY 


[23] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


temple  and  a palace,  around  which  a town 
was  built.  In  the  Chow  dynasty  “the  imperial 
palace  consisted  of  a vast  inclosure,  surrounded 
bv  high  mud  or  brick  walls,  in  which  were  the 
following:  the  dwelling-houses  of  the  emperor, 

the  empress,  the  concubines,  and  their  servants; 
the  offices  of  the  ministers,  reception  halls,  and 
temples;  shops  for  weaving  silk  and  hemp  for 
the  use  of  the  court;  treasuries  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  imperial  archives,  historical  documents, 
jewelry,  and  other  precious  belongings  of  the  state 
or  the  emperor;  depositories  for  stores  and  all 
that  was  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  life. 
In  other  words,  it  was  a walled  city  within  the 
capital  city,  reserved  for  the  emperor,  his  house- 
hold, and  his  government;  and  the  monarch 
seldom  left  it  except  in  his  official  capacity.” 
The  palace — Ah  Fang  Kung,  or  Ah  Pang  Kung, 
as  explained  by  Chavannes  in  Se  Ma  Ts'ien  II, 
p.  174 — built  by  the  emperor  Shih  Huang  (b.c. 
221-209)  at  Ch’ang-an  (Hsi-an),  Shen-si  province, 
was  a work  of  magnificent  grandeur  and  has 
frequently  been  portrayed  in  paintings  and  on 
porcelain,  as  well  as  praised  in  poetical  allusions. 
According  to  the  Shi  Ki,  it  was  250  feet  in  length 
and  500  feet  in  width  and  was  situated  on  the 
south  bank  of  the  Wei  River  in  the  Shang  Lin 
park.  Ten  thousand  persons  could  be  seated 

[24] 


INTRODUCTION 


within  its  walls.  Other  famous  palaces  of  early 
date  were  the  Wei  Yang  Rung,  built  by  Hsiao  Ho 
(died  b.c.  193)  at  the  beginning  of  the  Han 
dynasty,  near  Ch’ang-an,  and  the  Kan  Ch’iian 
Kung.  These  three  palaces  are  well  known  in 
poetry  and  painting.  There  is  a famous  painting 


TEMPLE  AT  GRAVE  OF  KUAN  TI,  LO-YANG,  HO-NAN  PROV- 
INCE. REBUILT  A.D.  1594 


by  Li  T’ang  ( circa  a.d.  i ioo),  of  the  Sung  dynasty, 
which  gives  a good  idea  of  the  beauty  of  the  Ah 
Fang  Kung.  These  palaces  set  the  model  for  later 
dynasties,  and  their  main  architectural  points 
may  be  seen  in  the  present  Peking  palace.  None 
of  these  palaces  has  survived  the  ravages  of  time, 
and  we  must  trust  to  literary  records  to  confirm 
the  likeness  of  later  palaces  to  the  earlier  ones. 

[25] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


This  lack  of  survival  of  ancient  art  remains  has 
never  appeared  to  be  disconcerting  to  native 
critics.  It  has  been  the  genius  of  the  Chinese 
to  preserve  unchanged  the  same  art  spirit  from 
generation  to  generation,  even  though  early 
examples  might  perish.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  the 
same  art  motives  which  flourished  in  the  Shang 
and  Chow  dynasties  stirred  the  hearts  of  all  kinds 
of  artists  in  the  Ming  and  Manchu  dynasties. 
There  has  never  been  among  the  Chinese  a dread 
of  reproduction  or  copying,  for  this  has  not  been 
a slavish  exercise.  Copyists  do  not  follow  in 
minute  detail  the  chosen  model,  but  each  repro- 
duction shows  the  individuality  of  the  worker, 
even  when  following  the  same  general  lines  of 
conformity  to  an  original.  This  method  has 
seemed  to  the  Chinese  to  be  a glorification  of 
national  consciousness  and  a preservation  of 
precious  tradition.  The  shapes  of  early  bronzes 
were  reproduced  in  pottery  and  then  in  porcelain, 
the  crude  drawings  of  dragon  and  phoenix  on 
early  castings  were  beautified  in  paintings,  and 
yet  each  succeeding  generation  drew  its  artistic 
inspiration  from  the  same  unfailing  sources. 
This  often  gives  to  the  foreign  student  an  impres- 
sion of  monotony,  such  as  Bushell  records  in  refer- 
ence to  Chinese  architecture,  but  it  also  creates 
a profound  admiration  for  the  endless  varietv 

[26] 


INTRODUCTION 


evolved  from  such  limited  sources.  In  perpetuat- 
ing the  continuity  of  the  art  spirit,  the  Chinese 
have  succeeded  better  than  any  other  nation,  for 
they  have  maintained  a continuous  succession 
for  about  four  thousand  years. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  also  that  art  motives 
had  become  stabilized  before  China  began  to 
have  much  intercourse  with  outside  nations  and 
when  her  own  territorial  limits  were  confined  to 
a small  area  in  what  is  now  the  northwestern 
part  of  the  country.  It  would  be  profitless  to  this 
discussion  to  attempt  to  trace  the  origin  of  the 
Chinese  people.  Lacouperie  endeavored  to  prove 
that  they  were  the  Bale  tribes,  led  by  Nakhunte 
(Nai  Huang  Ti)  through  Chinese  Turkestan 
and  along  the  Kashgar  River  to  the  north- 
western part  of  China,  where  we  first  find  them. 
He  thus  gave  a Babylonian  origin  to  Chinese  cul- 
ture. His  thesis  has  been  successfully  refuted  on 
philological  grounds  by  Hirth,  and  I must  bear 
my  testimonv  as  to  the  unreliability  of  his  theory, 
in  so  tar  as  it  regards  artistic  motives.  The  list 
of  arts  which,  he  says,  the  Chinese  owed  to  their 
early  civilizers  contains  a curious  medley,  early 
and  late,  of  the  cultural  development  of  early 
China. 

These  early  art  motives  and  traditions  were 
so  firmly  established  before  China  began  to  have 

[27] 


OUTLINES  OE  CHINESE  ART 


communication  with  the  surrounding  peoples  that 
they  have  been  able  not  only  to  survive,  but 
also  to  dominate,  influences  from  without.  Even 
allowing  that  there  was  an  overland  traffic  with 
India  through  the  Shu  principality  (Sze-ch’uan 
province),  in  the  fifth  century  b.c.,  from  the  Ch’in 
principality  (Shen-si  province),  we  know  that  by 
this  time  there  had  been  a development  of  artistic 
creations  in  bronze,  jade,  and  ideographs  which 
have  continued  to  control  the  minds  of  artists 
down  to  the  present  time.  Later  there  was 
frequent  communication  with  the  outside  world. 
Chang  Ch’ien  was  sent  (b.c.  139)  on  a mission 
to  the  Indo-Scythians,  whose  capital  was  on  the 
Oxus  River.  He  traveled  through  eastern  Turkes- 
tan, Eerghana,  Bactria,  and  Khotan  for  thirteen 
years  and  brought  back  with  him  many  new 
plants,  such  as  the  grape-vine  and  also  alfalfa. 
He  gave  descriptions  of  the  products  and  customs 
of  the  countries  which  he  visited. 

Buddhism  was  officially  introduced  into  China 
in  a.d.  67  by  the  emperor  Ming  Ti.  The  envoys 
whom  this  emperor  sent  brought  back  with  them 
from  India  two  monks  with  their  Pali  books,  their 
pictures,  and  their  customs.  Their  return  was 
celebrated  by  the  erection  east  of  Lo-yang  (Ho- 
nan fu)  of  the  White  Horse  Temple — Pai  Ma  Ssu. 
This  temple  has  been  frequently  restored  and  is 

[28] 


INTRODUCTION 


preserved  to  the  present  time.  The  historian 
Ssu-ma  Ch’ien  (died  b.c.  85)  records  in  his  History 
the  relations  of  China  with  the  Indo-Scythians, 
the  Man  barbarians  to  the  southwest,  and  the 
people  of  Ta  Wan  (Ferghana).  Pan  Ch’ao,  in 
a.d.  97,  led  an  army  to  Antiochia  Margiana  and 
ordered  one  of  his  generals  to  take  ship  from  the 
Persian  Gull  westward  toward  Rome,  of  which 
China  had  begun  to  hear.  The  expedition  never 
started  on  its  journey,  but  before  another  century 
had  passed  Roman  merchants  found  their  way  to 
Cochin-China  and  soon  to  Canton.  The  over- 
land trade  route  through  Parthia  and  Samarkand 
to  Rome  and  northern  India  was  also  reopened, 
with  the  result  that,  during  the  period  of  division 
of  northern  and  southern  states  which  followed 
the  Han  dynasty,  several  of  the  small  kingdoms 
had  Turkic  rulers.  The  Wei  and  the  Northern 
Wei  dynasties  had  their  capital  at  P’ing-ch’eng 
(Ta-t’ung  fu)  until  the  middle  of  the  latter 
dynasty,  when  it  was  removed  to  Lo-yang  (Ho- 
nan lu)  by  the  emperor  Hsiao  Wen  Ti.  Both  of 
these  dynasties  reflect  the  influence  of  I urkestan 
and  Gandhara  in  their  art  products.  The  imperial 
extent  of  the  domain  of  the  Tang  dynasty  brought 
under  its  control  almost  all  of  the  neighboring 
states.  Many  of  them  on  the  northwest  border 
appealed  to  China  for  protection  against  the 

[29] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


growth  of  Mohammedan  power.  Arabian  ships 
reached  Canton,  Nestorian  missionaries,  Jews,  and 
Manicheans  came  to  the  empire  by  the  overland 
route,  and  the  stronghold  of  Buddhism  was  re- 
moved from  India  to  China.  Art  flourished  dur- 
ing this  period  of  general  prosperity  and,  when 
foreign  influences  were  stronger  than  at  any  other 
period  of  the  history  of  China,  continued  to  show 
an  adherence  to  early  indigenous  tradition  which 
refused  to  be  perverted.  Artistic  motives  intro- 
duced from  outside  sources  were  subjected  to  the 
domination  of  Chinese  principles  and,  when 
used,  were  brought  into  harmony  with  existing 
canons. 

The  Yuan  dynasty,  founded  by  the  Mongol 
warrior  Kublai  Khan  in  1280,  restored  the  em- 
pire, which  had  fallen  into  separate  divisions 
under  the  Sung,  but  did  little  for  art  other  than 
to  release  its  spirit  from  the  hidebound  literalism 
of  the  conservative  school.  There  was  an  imme- 
diate rebound  into  the  freedom  which  had  been 
known  in  the  T’ang  dynasty.  The  sway  of  the 
Mongols  was  over  such  a wide  area  that  there 
was  even  an  exchange  of  workmen  between  Persia 
and  China.  Persia  felt  the  influence  of  these  Chi- 
nese workmen,  but  the  Persian  workmen  left  no 
permanent  impression  on  China.  There  was  little 
or  no  outside  influence  during  the  Ming  dynasty, 

[3°] 


INTRODUCTION 


and  in  the  past  century  western  influences  have  not 
been  able  to  penetrate  deeply  enough  into  the 
inner  life  of  China  to  control,  or  even  to  influence, 
its  art.  China  remains  the  only  existing  example 
of  the  persistence  and  continuance  of  an  art  life 
which  connects  itself  with  the  earliest  national 
traditions.  Frequently  beset  with  strong  influ- 
ences from  outside  sources,  it  has  never  been 
diverted  from  its  characteristic  type.  On  the 
contrary,  it  has  always  absorbed  these  influences 
and  conformed  them  to  its  own  uses.  It  has  bor- 
rowed decorative  forms  and  perhaps  even  tech- 
nical methods,  but  has  clung  to  its  own  principles. 

China,  therefore,  must  be  studied  as  an  artistic 
entity.  The  laws  and  principles  which  today 
control  criticism  or  production  are  those  which 
have  come  down  from  the  earliest  period  of 
China’s  national  life.  Art  is  now  decadent  in 
China,  as  far  as  products  are  concerned,  but  con- 
sidered in  the  light  of  adherence  to  principles  it 
flourishes  with  a strength  equal  to  that  which 
characterized  it  in  the  golden  age  of  the  T’ang 
dynasty.  It  is  found  in  every  man  of  culture  and 
struggles  to  assert  itself  in  every  new  collector. 
Its  sway  is  not  even  disturbed  by  the  incoming 
of  modern  education. 

The  divisions  of  art  products  according  to 
Chinese  usage  are  chin  shih— work  in  metals, 

[3J] 


OUTLINES  OK  CHINESE  ART 


stone,  or  ceramics — and  shu  hua — calligraphy  and 
painting.  These  may  be  roughly  described  as  the 
plastic  and  graphic  arts.  The  chin  shih  division 
is  an  inseparable  mixture  of  art  and  archeology, 
or,  in  other  words,  it  is  archeological  art  or  art- 
archeology.  The  shu  hua  division  is  entirely  con- 
cerned with  the  fine  arts.  It  is  under  these  two 
divisions  that  the  succeeding  lectures  will  treat 
Chinese  art. 


(321 


II 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 

BRONZES 

The  study  of  chin  shih — literally,  metal  and 
stone — has  been  confined  to  a comparatively 
small  group  of  Chinese  scholars.  It  is  closely 
connected  with  the  tracing  of  the  origin  and  de- 
velopment of  the  form  of  the  ideographs  in  which 
the  Chinese  language  is  written,  but  it  also  con- 
cerns itself  with  the  examination  of  historical 
facts,  as  stated  in  inscriptions,  and  a comparison 
of  them  with  later  literary  records.  If  this 
branch  of  expert  knowledge  stopped  with  these 
linguistic  inquiries,  it  would  not  be  necessary  to 
include  a reference  to  early  bronzes,  jades,  or 
stone  tablets  in  a review  of  the  art  of  China. 
Fortunately,  in  addition  to  linguistic  considera- 
tions, writers  on  chin  shih  have  paid  attention  to 
art  motives  and  their  evolution,  though  it  must 
be  confessed  that  not  so  much  study  has  been 
devoted  to  artistic  as  to  linguistic  problems.  It 
has  been  left  to  students  and  collectors  from  Japan 
and  the  Occident  to  emphasize  the  artistic  qualities 
of  these  early  art  products,  though  perhaps  some- 
what at  the  expense,  or  to  the  neglect,  of  the 

[33] 


BRONZE  TABLE  WITH  WINE  VESSELS.  EXCAVATED  IN  1902. 
COLLECTION  OF  TUAN  FANG 


BRONZE  TABLE  WITH  WINE  VESSELS.  ANOTHER  VIEW  OF 
THE  COLLECTION  SHOWN  ABOVE 

[34] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


phase  of  the  subject  which  has  chiefly  attracted 
Chinese  experts. 

The  emperor  Wu  Ti  (a.d.  502-550),  of  the 
short-lived  Liang  dynasty  (a.d.  502-556),  who  had 
his  capital  at  Nanking,  was  a devout  adherent  of 
Buddhism  and  is  reputed  to  have  made  the  flrst 
literary  collection  of  inscriptions  on  stone  tablets 
and  grave  monuments.  His  work,  which  is  said 
to  have  been  in  one  hundred  and  twenty  volumes, 
was  lost  in  the  troublous  times  which  followed  his 
death.  This  collection  seems  to  have  been  the 
beginning  of  art-archeological  studies  in  China 
and  was  apparently  pursued  on  lines  different 
from  those  in  the  investigations  of  early  remains 
by  Hsii  Shen,  second  century,  which  were  con- 
cerned wholly  with  etymological  research,  in 
preparation  of  the  famous  glossary  Shuo  JVen. 

Scholars  of  the  T’ang  dynasty  did  not  concern 
themselves  with  this  study,  and  interest  in  it  was 
not  revived  until  the  tenth  century  a.d.,  when 
Nieh,  of  Ho-nan,  brought  out  the  San  Li  T'u. 
This  was  an  illustrated  description  of  the  customs 
and  manners  of  early  China.  The  text  is  valuable, 
but  the  illustrations  are  crude  and  unreliable, 
having  evidently  been  based  upon  written  records 
rather  than  upon  observation  of  existing  objects. 
The  first  serious  work  was  that  of  Ou-yang  Hsiu, 
in  the  eleventh  century  a.d.,  in  the  compilation 

f35) 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


of  the  Tsih  Ku  Lu,  which  was  a treatise  on  early 
inscriptions.  This  was  followed  by  that  of  Wang 
Fu,  who  edited  the  Hsiian-Ho  Po  Ku  T'u — “Il- 
lustrated Description  of  Antiquities  Contained 
in  the  Hsiian-ho  Palace.”  The  illustrations  in 
this  work  were  probably  taken  from  drawings 
and  rubbings  of  objects  in  the  imperial  collec- 
tion and  are  therefore  valuable.  Its  mistakes  in 
interpretation  of  inscriptions  and  in  historical 
statements  have  given  rise  to  much  literary  con- 
troversy among  later  authors.  The  student  using 
this  valuable  book  must  therefore  be  on  his  guard 
against  inaccuracies. 

A more  scholarly  and  reliable  book  of  the  Sung 
dynasty  is  that  of  Hsieh  Shan-kung,  author  of 
Li  Tai  Chung  Ting  K’uan  Chih,  in  twenty  volumes. 
This  was  written  in  the  Shao  Hsing  period 
(a.d.  i 1 3 1 — 1 1 63 ) of  the  Southern  Sung  dynasty 
and  is,  in  reality,  the  basis  upon  which  all  later 
scholars  have  built.  Hsieh  may  be  considered  as 
the  first  thorough  student  of  early  bronzes,  but  his 
work  is  concerned  exclusively  with  the  study  of 
inscriptions.  It  is,  however,  a mine  of  informa- 
tion also  as  to  artistic  matters,  but  this  is  always 
found  in  admixture  with  his  discussion  of  linguis- 
tics. In  the  Sung  dynasty  there  were  also  the 
artists  Liu  Sung-nien,  Li  Kung-lin,  Chao  Meng- 
chien  and  the  statesmen  Lii  Ta-fang,  Wang 

[36] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


An-shih,  and  his  brother,  Wang  An-kuo,  who  were 
all  keenly  interested  in  bronzes  and  jades  and 
regarded  them  as  objects  of  art. 

There  was  again  a hiatus  of  scholarship  in  this 
subject,  for  no  important  contributions  to  it  were 
made  during  the  Yuan  and  Ming  dynasties.  The 
emperor  Ch’ien  Lung,  in  1749,  gave  a new  stimu- 
lus to  it  by  ordering  a group  of  distinguished 
scholars  to  prepare  an  illustrated  catalogue  of  the 
imperial  collection.  This  was  published  under 
the  name  of  Hsi  Ch'ing  Ku  Chien — “Mirror  of 
the  Antiquities  of  the  Imperial  Studio” — in  forty- 
two  splendid,  large  volumes,  and  was  supple- 
mented by  the  works  Hsi  Ch'ing  Hsii  Chien  and 
Ning  Shon  Chien  Ku,  which  have  been  published 
in  recent  years  in  volumes  corresponding  to  the 
earlier  one.  The  illustrations  in  these  works  can 
now  be  compared  with  the  specimens  themselves, 
as  exhibited  in  the  Government  Museum,  Peking. 

Imperial  patronage  gave  great  encouragement 
to  this  branch  of  study.  In  1804,  Yuan  Yuan 
published  his  scholarly  work  Chi  Ku  Chai  Chung 
Ting  I Ch'i  K’uan  Chih — “Inscriptions  on  Vessels 
by  Chi  Ku  Chai,”  which  is  the  studio  name  of 
Yuan  Yuan.  In  this  book  the  rubbings  of  560 
inscriptions  are  criticized  and  explained.  This 
was  followed,  in  1822,  by  the  publication  of  Chin 
Shih  So — “Researches  in  Metal  and  Stone” — by 

[37] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


the  scholarly  brothers  Feng  Yun-p’eng  and  Feng 
Yun-yvian,  who  approached  the  subject  more  from 
the  aesthetic  side  than  from  the  literary.  It  is  a 
most  useful  book  to  a foreign  student.  Other 
important  contributions  have  been  made  since  the 
publication  of  this  work,  but  they  have  been 
devoted  chiefly  to  discussions  of  linguistic  prob- 
lems. Only  one  work  has  been  published  in 
recent  years  which  is  a distinct  contribution  to 
the  importance  of  the  artistic  qualities  of  early 
bronzes.  It  is  called  T'ao  Chai  Chi  Chin  Lu — 
“ Records  of  the  Bronze  Vessels  in  the  Collection 
of  T’ao  Chai.”  T’ao  Chai  is  the  literary  name  of 
the  late  Viceroy  Tuan  Fang,  who  was  a good 
scholar  and  an  unusually  discriminating  collector. 
This  book  gives  illustrations  of  the  most  important 
specimens  of  bronze  vessels  in  his  great  collection. 
It  is  a pity  that  similar  publications  were  not 
issued  in  illustration  of  the  collections  of  the  P’an 
family,  of  Su-chow,  or  of  the  Ch’en  family,  of 
Wei-hsien. 

All  historical  records  show  that  bronze  vessels 
were  held  in  high  esteem  during  the  Hsia,  Shang, 
and  Chow  dynasties,  which  are  usually  classified 
together  as  the  San  Tai  or  Three  Dynasties.  The 
vessels  were  used  on  all  important  occasions  in 
national  and  family  life.  Victory  over  enemies, 
prayers  for  blessings  and  favors,  penitence  for 

[38] 


YOKE  BELLS,  SHANG  DYNASTY 


139] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


transgressions,  memorials  for  deceased  rulers  and 
parents,  birthdays  of  superiors- — these  were  all 
celebrated  in  dignified  ceremonies  in  which  bronze 
vessels  were  used.  There  were  nine  vessels,  chin 
ting,  used  only  by  the  ruler,  and  the  retention  of 
these  signified  the  possession  of  kingly  authority 
in  the  state.  They  were  regarded  as  emblems  of 
the  lex  regis.  “The  Ritual  of  Chow,”  Chow  Li, 
has  a section  devoted  to  the  use  of  vessels  for  indi- 
cating the  difference  in  rank  among  officials.  It 
is  called  Fen  Ch'i.  Officers  of  lower  rank  in  per- 
forming sacrificial  rites  could  not  use  the  same 
number  or  size  of  vessels  as  those  used  by  one  of 
higher  rank.  Bronze  vessels  thus  came  to  serve  as 
insignia  of  office.  They  were  also  used  as  presents 
from  princes  to  ministers  to  whom  they  had  granted 
interviews,  and  much  importance  was  attached  by 
ministers  to  the  kind  of  vessel  presented,  as  a sure 
indication  of  the  estimation  in  which  the  prince 
held  them.  In  b.c.  672,  Cheng  Po  had  an  audience 
with  the  King  of  Chow,  after  which  he  was  pre- 
sented with  a mirror  girdle  which  had  belonged  to 
the  Queen.  Shortly  afterwards  the  Duke  of  Kuo 
was  presented  with  a libation  cup — at  which  Cheng 
Po  took  great  offense,  since  the  gift  of  the  Prince 
to  him  had  been  only  some  trifling  ornament  worn 
by  a woman,  while  that  given  to  the  Duke  had 
been  a vessel  used  in  state  ceremonies. 

[40] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


Another  use  was  connected  with  dishonorable 
transactions,  in  which  bronze  vessels  were  pre- 
sented as  bribes  by  small  states  or  by  individuals 
who  wished  to  acquire  influence.  The  Tso  Chuan 
Commentary  gives  many  instances  of  this  illegiti- 
mate use.  The  Marquis  of  Ch’i  bribed  the 
principality  of  Ts’in,  in  b.c.  589,  by  the  gift  of  a 
bronze  vessel,  hsien.  The  men  of  the  principality 
of  Yen  attempted  to  bribe  the  principality  of  Ch’i 
by  the  gift  of  a libation  cup,  chia.  Large  and 
small  bells,  tripods,  and  other  sacrificial  vessels 
are  mentioned  as  having  been  perverted  to  this 
base  purpose.  These  subsidiary  uses  of  bronze 
vessels  did  not  obscure  their  chief  use  for  sacri- 
ficial and  memorial  purposes. 

The  dates  to  which  bronze  vessels  are  assigned 
by  Chinese  authorities  are  frequently  stated  in 
general  terms.  Bronzes  of  the  earliest  period  are 
referred-  to  as  belonging  to  the  San  Tai,  or  pre- 
vious to  b.c.  255.  Then  follow  the  Ts’in-Han 
types,  dated  b.c.  255 — a.d.  221.  These  are  all 
ancient  bronzes.  The  reproductions  of  the  T’ang 
and  Sung  dynasties  are  not  classed  as  “ancient.” 
The  style  of  decoration  but  more  especially  the 
ideographs  used  in  inscriptions  serve  to  divide 
the  vessels  of  the  San  Tai  into  those  of  the 
Hsia,  Shang,  and  Chow  dynasties.  This  classifi- 
cation, based  upon  linguistic  development,  seems 

[41] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


trustworthy  but  is  of  slight  value  as  to  artistic 
differences.  The  motives,  techinque,  and  form  of 
vessels  of  these  three  dynasties  are  interchange- 
able, and  for  an  art  student  there  need  be  no  sub- 
division of  the  period  previous  to  b.c.  255.  It  is 
stated  by  Chinese  authorities  that  in  bronzes  the 
Hsia  dynasty  was  noted  for  reliability,  the  Shang 
for  quality,  and  the  Chow  for  display;  but  this  is 
a general  characterization  of  the  manners  and 
customs  of  these  periods  rather  than  of  the  artistic 
qualities  of  the  bronzes  which  they  produced. 

The  archaic  ceremonial  types  of  the  San  Tai 
were  replaced  by  more  utilitarian  and  decorative 
ones  in  the  period  of  freedom  which  set  in  with  the 
imperial  sway  of  the  Ts’in  and  Han  dynasties. 
Few  ancient  vessels  seem  to  have  been  recovered 
during  this  time  from  the  safe  hiding-places 
where  they  were  buried  to  elude  Shih  Huang,  the 
founder  of  the  Ts’in  dynasty,  so  that  new  types 
had  a chance  to  be  introduced.  These  were 
vases,  bowls,  lavers,  sacrificial  cooking  utensils, 
girdle  buckles,  and  articles  of  house  decoration  or 
of  personal  adornment.  In  general  terms,  it  may 
be  said  that  the  vessels  of  the  San  Tai  are  of  the 
severe  ceremonial  types,  while  those  of  the  Han  are 
of  decorative  forms. 

So  great  have  been  the  perils  and  difficulties 
through  which  these  vessels  have  come  down  from 

[42] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


ancient  times,  that  it  is  a matter  of  wonder  that 
so  many  have  survived.  P’an  Tsu-yin,  in  his 
P’an  Ku  Lou  I Ch’i  K’uan  Chih — “Inscriptions  on 
Vessels  in  the  Collection  of  P’an  Ku  Lou” — speaks 
of  seven  great  perils  which  have  been  encountered 
by  bronze  vessels  since  the  end  of  the  Chow 
dynasty,  in  b.c.  255.  The  first  was  when  the 
founder  of  the  Ts’in  dynasty  attempted  to  destroy 
all  bronze  vessels  and  military  utensils  with  in- 
scriptions, at  the  time  of  his  burning  of  the  books. 
His  object  was  to  destroy  all  the  literary  records 
of  an  earlier  age  and  to  commence  a new  era  with 
his  reign.  After  melting  up  these  bronze  objects, 
he  cast  them  into  twelve  statues.  The  second 
peril  was  when  Tung  Cho  (died  a.d.  192),  in  his 
attempts  to  bolster  up  the  waning  fortunes  of  the 
Han  dynasty,  melted  down  the  bronze  statues 
which  he  found  at  the  two  capitals,  Lo-yang 
(Ho-nan  fu)  and  Ch’ang-an  (Hsi-an  fu),  and  also 
many  bronze  vessels,  melting  them  into  coins. 
The  third  occurred  in  a.d.  590,  during  the  reign 
of  the  emperor  Wen  Ti,  of  the  Sui  dynasty,  when 
three  great  bells  and  a large  number  of  vessels 
of  the  Ts’in  and  Han  dynasties  captured  from 
the  Kingdom  of  Ch’en  were  destroyed  by  melting. 
The  fourth  peril  was  in  a.d.  955,  during  the  reign 
of  the  emperor  Shih  Tsung,  of  the  Later  Chow 
dynasty,  when  an  imperial  decree  was  issued 

l43l 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


allowing  a limit  of  fifty  days  within  which  all  bronze 
figures,  vessels,  and  other  articles  from  the  two 
capitals  and  from  every  district  should  be  pre- 
sented to  local  officials  for  destruction,  with  the 
exception  of  the  ceremonial  articles  belonging  to 
the  court,  articles  used  for  military  or  official  pur- 
poses, mirrors,  and  bells  used  in  temples.  The 
fifth  was  in  a.d.  1158,  during  the  reign  of  Cheng 
Lung,  of  the  Chin  dynasty,  when  an  edict  was 
issued  ordering  the  destruction  of  all  ancient  ves- 
sels captured  during  the  expeditions  against  the 
Liao  and  Sung  dynasties.  The  sixth  was  during 
the  reign  of  Kao  Tsung  (a.d.  1 131-1163),  of  the 
Southern  Sung  dynasty,  when  bronze  vessels  in 
the  possession  of  the  people  were  collected  and 
added  to  fifteen  hundred  vessels  from  the  imperial 
collection.  All  were  handed  over  to  the  keeper  of 
the  Mint  and  are  said  to  have  amounted  to  more 
than  two  million  catties  (three  million  pounds). 
The  seventh  peril  was  in  the  stripping  of  the 
palaces  and  temples  at  Pien-lo  (K’ai-feng  fu),  at 
the  close  of  the  Northern  Sung  dynasty,  of  all  their 
bronze  objects  and  the  carrying  them  away  to  the 
capital  of  the  Chin  dynasty. 

Much  importance  was  attached  in  successive 
dynasties  to  the  discovery  of  exhumed  bronze 
vessels.  The  reigning  sovereign  has  celebrated 
the  event  by  a change  in  the  name  of  his  governing 

U5] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


title,  nien  hao , or  the  name  of  the  place  where  the 
discovery  was  made  has  been  changed  in  honor  of 
it,  or  memorial  temples  have  been  built,  in  which 
the  gods  have  been  given  special  titles.  One  of 
the  first  recorded  discoveries  was  during  the  reign 
of  Yuan  Ting  (b.c.  116-110),  of  the  Han  dynasty, 
when  the  Pao  tripod  was  found  in  the  Fen  River 
(Shan-si  province).  There  are  records  of  several 
similar  discoveries  during  the  Han  dynasty  and 
down  through  the  periods  of  the  smaller  dynasties 
to  the  T’ang,  when,  in  the  reign  of  Hsiian  Tsung 
(a.d.  713-742),  several  important  finds  were  made. 
It  is  recorded  that  in  733  a vessel,  hsien,  was 
discovered  at  Mei-chow,  the  weight  of  which 
was  700  catties  (more  than  900  pounds).  During 
the  Northern  Sung  dynasty,  ancient  vessels  were 
often  discovered  in  the  high  lands  and  in  ancient 
mounds.  They  became  so  numerous  that  the  dis- 
covery of  new  vessels  no  longer  was  considered  as 
a strange  or  portentous  matter.  The  number  of 
scholars  who  could  decipher  the  inscriptions  con- 
stantly increased.  The  K'ao  Ku  T'u — “Illus- 
trated Examination  of  Antiquities” — contains 
accounts  of  the  vessels  in  the  possession  of  col- 
lectors of  the  Sung  dynasty.  The  names  of  more 
than  thirty  collectors  are  given,  together  with  a 
brief  description  of  the  vessels  in  their  collections. 
Contrary  to  what  has  happened  in  the  case  of 

[46] 


•V 


BRONZE  VESSEL,  HAN  DYNASTY.  COLLECTION  OF 
PAUL  HO,  PEKING 


l47l 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


other  art  objects,  it  has  thus  transpired  that  there 
has  been  a gradual  increase  in  the  number  of 
recognized  examples  of  vessels  belonging  to  the 
San  Tai  period.  Excavations  in  building  new 
houses  or  temples,  changes  in  the  face  of  the 
country  due  to  floods  or  the  drying-up  of  river 
beds,  and  the  construction  of  railways  in  recent 
years  have  been  responsible  for  many  new  finds, 
which  have  added  much  information  to  what  was 
previously  known. 

As  to  the  shapes  of  ancient  bronzes — there  is  a 
great  variety.  The  “Mirror  of  Antiquities  of  the 
Imperial  Studio ” — Hsi  Ch'ing  Ku  Chien — gives 
seventy-one  shapes,  to  which  are  appended  various 
early  coins.  In  addition  to  bronze  vessels,  this 
list  includes  bells,  drums,  daggers,  crossbows, 
chariot  ornaments,  surveying  instruments,  staff- 
heads,  spoons,  mirrors,  and  other  small  articles. 
The  number  of  the  most  important  shapes  of 
bronze  vessels  is  interesting.  There  are  233  ting 
or  tripods.  A ting  is  a tripod  or  caldron,  usually 
with  three  feet  and  two  ears,  though  occasion- 
ally vessels  with  four  feet  are  also  included  in 
this  class.  It  was  used  to  hold  food  offered  in 
sacrificial  ceremonies.  The  name  is  also  used 
in  a generic  sense  and  is  associated  with  chung , 
bells,  in  the  phrase  chung  ting,  which  means 
simply  ancient  bronze  vessels.  Of  vases — ping 

[48] 


BRONZE  WINE  VESSEL,  CHOW  DYNASTY.  DECORATION 
INLAID  WITH  GOLD  AND  SILVER 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


and  hu — there  are  173,  and  these  were  used  as 
wine  receptacles.  Wine-jars,  tsun , number  148. 
Goblets,  ku,  include  1 1 6 specimens  and  cups,  chili , 
42.  There  are  95  yu  or  wine-jars  with  handles, 
17  lei  or  wine-jars,  67  /,  49  tun , and  31  yi,  all  of 
which  are  wine  receptacles  of  differing  shapes. 
There  are  also  17  p'  an  or  platters,  and  40  la  vers, 
hsi,  for  sacrificial  ablutions.  Besides  these  vessels, 
there  are  46  bells,  chung,  14  drums,  ku,  and  93 
mirrors,  chien,  included  among  the  bronze  articles 
of  antiquity. 

As  these  vessels  were  all  intended  for  sacri- 
ficial uses,  the  shapes  are  dignified  and  severe,  but 
all  have  grace  of  form  and  purity  of  line.  Bushell 
considers  that  the  majority  of  these  vessels  “are 
heavy,  barbaric,  and  of  ill-balanced  proportions 
and  betray  the  absence  of  the  free  spirit  and  love 
of  line  which  inspired  the  hand  of  the  ancient 
Greek  modeler  in  bronze.”  This  is  certainly 
true  of  many  vessels  and  perhaps  of  the  majority 
of  those  which  have  come  down  to  the  present 
time.  The  reason  is  that  the  large  demand  for 
these  vessels  in  ancient  times  on  the  part  of  rulers 
and  families  not  only  must  have  employed  the 
talents  of  all  the  available  artists,  but  also  must 
have  attracted  great  numbers  of  ordinary  artisans 
who  were  devoid  of  artistic  spirit.  However,  in 
all  shapes  there  may  be  selected,  out  of  the  whole 

[5°1 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


number,  artistic  specimens  which  compare  favor- 
ably with  the  best  Grecian  ones  in  modeling,  cast- 
ing, and  decoration.  Every  ancient  bronze  vessel 
is  of  archeological  interest,  though  it  may  be 
devoid  of  artistic  qualities;  but  there  are  enough 
examples  of  graceful  forms  to  justify  the  state- 
ment that  the  ancient  Chinese  exhibited  an  excel- 
lent plastic  sense.  There  are  a decisiveness  and  a 
precision  in  their  best  bronze  vessels  which  ex- 
hibit the  truest  understanding  on  the  part  of 
the  artist  of  the  material  which  he  used.  He 
fully  understood  that  the  demands  of  metal  are 
different  from  those  of  wood  or  marble. 

The  decorations  varied  somewhat,  according 
to  the  period  in  which  they  were  produced.  The 
earliest  vessels  have  but  little  decoration,  i.e., 
more  of  the  surface  is  left  plain  than  is  covered 
with  ornamentation.  Such  decoration  as  there 
is  set  the  model  for  the  bronzes  of  the  rest  of  the 
period.  ' It  is  a combination  of  geometric  and  ani- 
mal motives.  The  geometric  lines  are  developed 
into  rectangular  scrolls  on  the  borders  and  in 
panels.  These  scrolls  are  called  lei  wen,  “ thunder 
pattern,”  and  yiin  wen,  “cloud  pattern.”  With 
these  are  intermixed  undeveloped  animal  forms, 
such  as  k'uei  wen  or  “pinniped  pattern,”  p' an- 
k'uei  wen  or  “coiled  pinniped  pattern,”  c/i  an  wen 
or  “cicada  pattern.”  These  partially  developed 

[5i] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


animal  forms,  as  found  in  scrolls,  are  often  in  pairs 
on  opposite  sides  of  a central  design  in  relief  con- 
sisting of  an  ox-head  or,  as  often,  of  a circle  of 
geometric  lines.  In  the  scrolls  are  found  fearsome 
ogre  heads — t'ao-t'ieh.  The  t'ao-t'ieh  comprises  a 
variety  of  forms,  of  which  the  only  essential  ele- 
ment seems  to  be  the  large  protruding  eyes,  which 
blend  with  the  other  lines  of  scroll  patterns. 
There  are  also  tiger  heads,  elephant  heads,  goat 
heads.  The  dragon  is  chiefly  in  an  undeveloped 
form  throughout  the  whole  period  of  the  San  Tai. 
There  are  diapers,  in  the  center  of  which  are 
nipples.  This  is  the  only  instance  in  ancient  Chi- 
nese art  where  the  motive  seems  to  have  been 
drawn  from  the  body,  and  I am  not  sure  that  the 
Sung  dynasty  scholars  were  correct  in  interpreting 
this  round,  bulging  shape  as  intended  to  represent 
a nipple.  Many  of  the  geometric  forms  are  said 
to  have  symbolic  meanings,  but  it  is  difficult  to 
decide  whether  the  symbolism  is  an  interpretation 
of  the  forms  or  the  forms  an  outgrowth  of  existing 
conceptions.  At  any  rate,  the  artists  exhibited  a 
high  degree  of  imagination  in  their  depictions 
and  avoided  the  pitfall  of  attempting  to  represent 
animal  forms  by  crude  designs. 

The  characters  used  in  inscriptions  may  be 
divided  into  three  classes.  There  are  the  early 
ideographs  in  the  style  of  hieroglyphics,  such  as 

[5-] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


are  found  on  vessels  of  the  Shang  dynasty.  Along 
with  this  class,  there  developed  the  fine  spiral 
writing  which  is  found  on  bone  relics  of  this  or  an 
earlier  period.  The  second  class  of  writing  is 
that  found  in  the  Chow  dynasty,  when  the  ideo- 
graphs began  to  lose  their  pictorial  character  and 
assumed  the  square,  regular  forms.  The  number 
of  ideographs  also  greatly  increased,  keeping  pace 
with  the  greater  complexity  of  daily  life.  Many 
of  the  inscriptions  of  this  period  show  beautiful 
forms  of  characters  which  are  still  written  in 
practically  the  same  way  but  without  so  many 
flourishes.  The  Chow  style  of  writing  is  reputed 
to  have  been  svstematized  bv  Shih  Chou  into  the 

J J 

style  of  the  great  seal  characters — ta  chuan.  This 
style  is  the  counterpart  of  that  used  in  illuminated 
texts  in  Europe  during  the  Middle  Ages.  The 
third  stvle  is  that  of  the  Han  dynasty,  when  the 
number  of  ideographs  had  increased  to  such  an 
extent-  as  made  the  writing  of  books  possible. 
This  style  of  writing  has  been  in  continuous  use, 
with  some  modifications  and  additions,  down  to 
the  present  time.  These  cast  and  incised  inscrip- 
tions are  sometimes  records  of  noble  deeds  or  of 
some  historical  facts;  again,  they  are  dedications 
from  sons  to  fathers  or  glorification  of  the  donor’s 
own  deeds;  others  record  penitence  and  resolutions 
for  a better  life.  They  often  confirm  historical 

[53] 


TWO  BRONZE  VESSELS  OF  THE  CH’I  HOU  SET.  COLLECTION 
OF  THE  METROPOLITAN  MUSEUM  OF  NEW  YORK 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


statements  or  shed  new  light  upon  otherwise 
obscure  passages.  The  language  used  is  so  terse 
that  it  is  not  easy  to  interpret  the  meaning, 
if,  indeed,  at  all  times  one  can  be  sure  of  the  cor- 
rect identification  of  the  ideographs.  They  vary 
in  length  from  one  to  497  characters,  which  is  the 
number  on  the  Mao-kung  ting  as  interpreted  by 
Wu  Shih-fen  in  his  Chun  Ku  Lu.  This  ting 
(tripod)  is  in  the  collection  of  Tuan  Fang  and  on 
account  of  the  length  of  its  inscription  is  one  of 
the  best-known  pieces  in  China. 

Other  noted  pieces  are  the  Wu-chuan  ting  in  the 
temple  on  Silver  Island  (Chiao  Shan),  near  Chin- 
kiang,  concerning  which  many  learned  books  have 
been  written.  Another  is  the  K’o  ting,  of  which 
there  were  three  specimens  of  different  sizes,  one 
belonging  originally  to  the  Ting  family,  of  Wei- 
hsien,  and  sold  to  Tuan  Fang,  one  belonging  to 
P’an  Tsu-yin,  and  one  in  the  University  Museum, 
Philadelphia.  A famous  set  is  that  of  the  Ch’i 
Hou.  Two  lei  (wine-jars)  of  this  set  were  in  the 
possession  of  Wu  Yiin,  and  from  them  he  took  his 
sobriquet  of  “Liang  Lei  Hsien.”  He  also  wrote, 
in  1872,  a valuable  book  describing  them.  Four 
vessels  of  this  famous  set  are  in  the  Metropolitan 
Museum,  New  York.  Ch’i  Hou  means  “Marquis 
of  Ch’i”  and  refers  to  Huan  Kung  (b.c.  684- 
642).  With  the  aid  of  Kuan  Chung,  he  succeeded 

[55] 


TWO  BRONZE  VESSELS  OF  THE  CUT  HOU  SET.  COLLECTION 
OF  THE  METROPOLITAN  MUSEUM,  NEW  YORK 


[56] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


to  the  rulership  of  Ch’i  and  managed  the  affairs  of 
the  kingdom  with  great  wisdom.  The  inscriptions 
on  these  vessels  tell  of  these  events.  Another 
well-known  wine-vessel  is  the  Rung  Fu  Reng  Yu 
in  the  Cleveland  Museum.  The  name  means  that 
it  is  a jar  shaped  like  a bow  and  dedicated  to 
father  Keng.  The  handle  of  this  jar  is  like  a 
bow,  having  both  ends  decorated  with  animal 
heads.  It  was  formerly  in  the  collection  of  Liu,  of 
C'hu-ch’eng,  Shan-tung,  and  is  assigned  to  the 
Shang  dynasty  by  Wu  Shih-fen  in  his  Chun  Ku 
Lu.  These  latter  are  only  a few  of  many  beauti- 
ful and  important  specimens  which  may  be  found 
in  American  museums  and  private  collections. 
Japanese  collectors  have  been  most  active  in  recent 
years,  so  that,  outside  of  those  in  the  Government 
Museum,  Peking,  many  of  the  noblest  pieces  may 
now  be  found  in  the  Sumitomo  and  Fujita  col- 
lections .in  Osaka  or  in  the  Nakura  collection  at 
Tokyo. 

There  were  ten  sacrificial  vessels  presented  in 
1771  by  the  emperor  Ch’ien  Lung  to  the  temple 
built  in  honor  of  Confucius,  during  the  Ming 
dynasty,  at  his  birthplace  in  Ch’ii-fu,  Shan-tung. 
These  vessels  are  placed  on  a long  rectangular 
table  in  front  of  a large  statue  of  Confucius,  which 
occupies  the  place  taken  by  a tablet  in  other  Con- 
fucian  temples.  The  order  in  which  they  stand 

[57] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


on  the  table,  right  to  left  as  one  enters  the  central 
doors  and  looks  north  toward  the  altar,  is  as 
follows: 

Back  row:  tou,/u,  i,  tsun , tsun. 

Front  row:  ting,  yu,  ko,  tun , hsien. 


ARRANGEMENT  OF  SACRIFICIAL  VESSELS  ON  ALTAR  OF 
CONFUCIAN  TEMPLE,  CH’U-FU,  SHAN-TUNG  PROVINCE 


These  ritual  vessels  comprise  those  used  for  meat 
offerings,  food,  and  wine. 

In  1901  there  was  dug  up  about  ten  miles  from 
Pao  Chi,  Shen-si  province,  a bronze  table,  tsa 
chin , with  accompanying  vessels.  They  passed 
into  the  possession  of  Tuan  Fang.  They  are  sac- 
rificial wine-vessels  and  number  eleven  in  all. 
There  are  one  tsun  (wine-vase),  two  yu  (wine-jars 
with  handles),  one  ho  (wine-pot  with  handle  and 
spout),  one  chia  (large  wine-cup),  two  tsioh  (liba- 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


tion  cups),  three  chih  (cups),  and  one  ku  (goblet). 
These  vessels  and  the  table  form  the  most  inter- 
esting discovery  in  recent  times  of  bronzes  having 
an  artistic  interest.  Their  elaborate  decoration 
shows  good  taste,  but  the  casting  is  not  so  delicate 
as  that  of  some  other  existing  specimens. 

Two  examples  of  gilded  bronzes  of  the  Chow 
dynasty  have  also  been  discovered  in  recent  years. 
Both  are  tsioh  (libation  cups)  and  have  answered 
to  the  description  of  literary  records,  which  state 
that  vessels  made  of  the  finest  quality  of  bronze 
were  later  gilded  with  a cover  of  gold.  The  gold 
was  beaten  into  gold-leaf  and  spread  over  the  sur- 
face of  the  vessel,  which  was  then  gradually  heated 
until  the  gold  and  bronze  formed  an  amalgam. 
Both  of  these  libation  cups  are  beautiful  in  form 
and  exquisite  in  workmanship.  This  process  of 
gilding  was  afterward  used  during  the  period  of 
the  small  contending  states  (a.d.  221-618)  for  a 
purpose  directly  opposite  to  the  earlier  one,  viz., 
that  of  hiding  blemishes  in  the  casting.  It  is 
necessary  to  bear  in  mind  this  difference  between 
early  and  later  bronzes  in  the  use  of  gilding. 

Four  examples  of  bronze  statuary  were  dis- 
covered in  1915  by  a farmer  named  Chiang. 
While  he  was  in  the  process  of  digging  a pond 
for  irrigating  purposes,  he  ran  across  an  ancient 
grave  and  near  it  found  four  figures  buried  deep 

[59] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


in  the  loess.  These  were  a unicorn,  a statue  of 
Wei  T’o,  and  two  statues  of  heavenly  kings,  t'ien 
wangy  who  are  also  known  as  guardians  of  Buddha. 
The  place  where  they  were  found  is  on  the  border 
of  San-yiian  hsien,  a city  lying  about  twenty-five 
miles  northwest  of  Hsi-an  fu,  the  capital  of  Shen-si 
province.  This  is  recorded  in  the  Geography  of 
the  T’ang  dynasty  as  having  been  the  burial  place 
of  Ching  Tsung  (a.d.  825-827),  fourteenth  em- 
peror of  the  T’ang  dynasty.  As  the  emperor 
died  in  a.d.  827,  this  tomb  was  probably  completed 
a few  years  later — say  about  a.d.  830. 

The  unicorn  appears  to  be  earlier  than  this 
date  and  probably  was  cast  during  the  later 
Han  dynasty  (second  century  a.d.)  or  during  the 
revolutionary  period  ot  the  Northern  and  South- 
ern dynasties  (fifth  and  sixth  centuries  a.d.)  and 
removed  to  this  site  from  some  previous  location. 
The  bronze  from  which  it  was  cast  appears  to  be 
of  the  same  quality  as  bronze  vessels  of  the  Han 
dynasty,  which  has  led  me  to  the  belief  that  the 
figure  was  produced  from  bronze  obtained  by  the 
melting  down  of  early  vessels.  The  original  core 
over  which  this  figure  was  cast  remains  inside. 
The  framework  is  of  reed  grass  closely  packed  and 
covered  with  core  sand  and  clay.  It  was  cast 
in  a mould  covered  with  wax.  The  chaplets  used 
for  separating  the  core  from  the  mould  are  easily 

[60] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


seen.  The  dimensions  of  the  unicorn  are:  from 
mouth  to  tail  in  straight  line,  44";  height,  2'^". 
The  second  figure  is  that  of  Wei  T’o  or  \ eda, 
described  by  Eitel  as  a fabulous  bodhisattva,  the 


BRONZE  FIGURE  OF  UNICORN,  HAN  DYNASTY 


first  general  in  command  of  the  Chatur  Mahara- 
jas. The  measurements  of  this  figure  are  as 
follows:  height,  4'6";  circumference  at  waist, 

3T";  height  of  pedestal,  Tn".  The  other  two 
figures  are  those  of  two  heavenly  kings  or  guar- 
dians of  Buddha.  Buddha  is  represented  as  hav- 
ing four  guardians,  Devaraja.  The  dimensions  of 

[61] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


these  two  figures  are:  height,  2'6";  height  of  base, 
8";  circumference  at  girdle,  i 'io§".  These  three 
statues  were  probably  cast  at  the  time  when  the 
tomb  was  constructed. 

In  the  casting  of  both  vessels  and  statues,  the 
cire  perdue  or  waste-wax  process  was  used.  A 
model  was  constructed  with  a wax  surface  of  suit- 
able thickness.  The  outside  mould  was  formed 
about  this,  the  wax  melted  by  heating,  and  the 
metal  poured  in.  This  gave  precision  to  the  edges 
of  lines,  not  alone  in  decoration,  but  especially  in 
ideographs.  One  of  the  unfailing  tests  of  the 
genuineness  of  inscriptions  is  a careful  microscopic 
examination  of  the  edges  of  ideographs,  to  see 
whether  or  not  they  bear  the  marks  of  tools.  If 
so,  they  have  been  incised  at  a later  period  and 
not  cast  in  the  wax  mould  with  the  rest  of  the 
vessel. 

The  proportions  of  copper  and  tin  alloy  used  in 
the  making  of  bronze  objects  have  been  carefully 
recorded  in  the  sixth  chapter,  called  K’ao  Rung 
Chi,  of  the  “Ritual  of  Chow”  ( Chow  Li).  This 
chapter  is  not  part  of  the  original  work,  but, 
though  there  has  been  much  discussion  as  to 
whether  it  was  added  during  the  Han  or  the  Ch’i 
dynasty  (a.d.  479-501),  its  statements  are  un- 
doubtedly reliable.  Bells,  tripods,  vases,  and 
measures  contained  one-sixth  alloy,  axes  and 

[62] 


BRONZE  FIGURE  OF  WEI  T’O,  T’ANG  DYNASTY 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


hatchets  one-fifth,  lances  and  spears  one-fourth, 
two-edged  swords  and  agricultural  implements 
one-third,  and  mirrors  one-half.  These  propor- 
tions are  only  those  fixed  for  the  imperial  work- 
shops, and  we  know  from  actual  examples  that 
there  were  many  variations  from  them.  Good 
workmen  in  the  earliest  periods  sought  to  give  a 
silvery,  iridescent  color  resembling  mercury  to 
their  best  fabrications.  There  is  one  example  of 
this  kind  in  the  Metropolitan  Museum.  It  is  a 
covered  tripod  decorated  with  pinniped  pattern 
and  unquestionably  belongs  to  the  Shang  dynasty. 
It  formerly  belonged  to  the  noted  scholar  and 
collector  Shen  Po-hsi. 

The  patina  of  ancient  bronzes  differs  according 
to  the  way  in  which  they  have  been  preserved. 
Those  that  come  from  the  tombs  of  early  emperors 
or  kings,  which  were  solidly  built  and  in  which  the 
bronzes  were  placed  on  stone  pedestals,  were  not 
in  contact  with  surrounding  earth  or  water.  The 
influence  of  the  air  caused  such  bronzes  to  take 
on  bluish  tints,  which  are  characteristic  of  the 
most  beautiful  type  of  patina.  Vessels  that  have 
been  buried  in  dry  or  wet  soil  have  a patina  vary- 
ing according  to  the  chemical  elements  surround- 
ing them.  The  malachite  green  shades  of  such 
specimens  are  very  beautiful  and  resemble  the 
rind  of  a melon,  kua-p'i  lii.  Sometimes  many 

[64] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


colors  are  found  on  one  vessel.  Such  are  called 
five-colored,  wu  seh.  The  thickness  of  the  patina 
was  influenced  by  surrounding  conditions  and 
varies  from  sub-surface  changes  of  color  to  thick 
scales.  Patina  is,  in  reality,  a new  chemical  com- 
position and  can  rarely  be  separated  from  the 
original  bronze,  except  in  the  case  of  gilded  or 
lacquered  objects. 

This  sketch  of  ancient  bronzes  has  been  so  brief 
and  incomplete  that  there  has  been  no  discussion 
of  bronze  military  weapons,  chariot  and  house 
decorations,  surveying  instruments,  coins,  or  other 
objects  for  which  we  know  this  metal  was  used. 
Neither  has  there  been  space  to  discuss  the  many 
reproductions  and  imitations  of  the  T’ang,  Sung, 
and  Yuan  dynasties. 


JADES 

Jade  is  associated  with  bronze,  not  only  as  to 
similarity  of  use  in  ancient  times,  but  also  as  to 
design  and  form.  Jade  carvings  find  their  proto- 
types in  bronze  vessels  and  implements.  Just  as 
bronze  vessels  were  sufficient  to  indicate  the  rank 
of  their  owner,  and  as  they  were  used  for  cere- 
monial purposes,  so  also  was  jade  used  as  an 
expression  of  the  artistic  experiences  of  an  age  con- 
trolled by  considerations  of  rank  and  ceremony. 
As  a symbol  of  the  power  of  a ruler  or  a means  of 

[65] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


recording  his  commands,  as  a warrant  of  office 
among  officials,  in  semi-official  or  non-official 
religious  worship,  and  for  decorative  purposes, 
jade  was  wrought  into  various  shapes  by  skilled 
lapidaries.  (These  have  been  fully  described  by 
Laufer  in  his  monumental  work  on  jade.)  It  did 
not  lend  itself  so  readily  to  decorative  designs  as 
bronze,  but  it  possessed  more  natural  beauty.  In 
ancient  China  it  was  considered  the  most  precious 
stone,  not  only  on  account  of  its  variety  of  color, 
but  also  for  its  delicacy  of  texture. 

Using  the  term  “jade”  as  inclusive  of  jadeite 
and  nephrite,  there  is  a great  variety  of  coloration; 
the  beauty  of  some  of  the  colors  is  enhanced  by  the 
semi-transparency  of  the  stone.  There  is  black 
jade,  in  which  the  coloration  is  the  result  of  the 
presence  of  large  quantities  of  chromic  iron;  there 
is  also  pure,  clear,  white  jade,  which  is  compared 
to  mutton  fat.  Between  these  extremes  of  color 
are  found  jades  with  red  and  brown  veins  caused 
by  the  action  of  iron  peroxide.  There  are  yellow 
jades  in  which  the  yellow  is  tinged  with  green,  also 
gray  jades  with  white  or  brown  interlacings.  The 
most  common  variety  is  green  jade,  in  which  color 
all  shades  may  be  found.  This  infinite  variation 
of  color  makes  its  convincing  appeal  to  the  side  of 
human  nature  which  can  be  reached  through 
vision. 


[66] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


Jade,  however,  has  another  and  more  subtle 
appeal.  It  is  to  the  delicate  sense  of  touch.  Just 
as  painting  is  appreciated  by  sight  and  music  by 


JADE  TUBE,  HAN  DYNASTY  DETAIL  OF  DECORATION 

hearing,  so  jade  offers  to  its  devotee  the  purest 
delights  of  the  artistic  sensation  of  touch.  It  is 
described  as  jun>  which  means  soft,  like  morning 
dew  or  gentle  rain;  it  also  means  an  elegant,  glossy 
surface.  It  is  a quality  which  corresponds  to 

[67] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


harmony  in  sound  or  to  grace  in  movement.  It 
is  also  defined  as  wen,  i.e.,  warm  and  smooth,  like 
the  flesh  of  a child;  again  as  chen  mi,  fine  and  close, 
like  the  texture  of  a delicate  silk  fabric.  I venture 


JADE  CARVING  OF  DANCING  WOMAN,  CHOW  DYNASTY 


to  claim  that  this  artistic  appreciation  of  a sensi- 
tive touch  is  peculiar  to  the  Chinese  race  and  that 
even  among  them  it  has  been  confined  in  its  expres- 
sion to  this  one  medium  of  jade.  Those  who 
enjoy  the  beauty  of  form  into  which  jade  has  been 
carved  or  its  wonderful  colorations  have  missed  a 
good  share  of  artistic  enjoyment  and  appreciation 
if  they  have  not  also  learned  the  delights  of  jade 

[68] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


to  a sensitive  touch.  This  is  a form  of  artistic 
feeling  new  to  occidental  consciousness,  but  it 
cannot  fail  of  recognition,  solely  for  the  reason 
that  it  has  never  been  applied  to  any  of  our  art 
products.  It  is  this  peculiar  quality  of  jade  which 
always  has  been  most  prized  in  China. 


JADE  AMULET,  HAN  DYNASTY" 


Many  of  the  pieces  of  ancient  jade  which  have 
survived  to  our  times  are  not  decorated  or  in- 
scribed. Those  that  are  decorated  have  the  same 
geometric  and  animal  forms  as  are  found  on 
bronzes,  and  there  is  little  new  in  artistic  motives 
that  can  be  learned  from  them.  Perhaps  the 
most  characteristic  decorative  motives  are  taken 
from  the  starry  firmament — the  Great  Dipper, 
groups  of  stars,  and  bands  of  united  stars,  lien  chn. 
One  can  readily  dismiss  from  consideration  the 

[69] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


wonderful  specimens  portrayed  in  the  Ku  Yii 
T'u  P'u  and  can  assign  them  to  the  fertility  of 
imaginative  reproduction  of  the  Sung  artists,  who 
furnished  drawings  for  the  lapidaries  of  their  time. 
The  fact  that  no  such  specimens  have  survived  and 
that  this  book  has  never  been  quoted  by  later 
writers  as  an  authority  is  sufficient  to  exclude  con- 
sideration of  types  peculiar  to  it.  Wu  Ta-ch’eng 


JADE  DAGGER,  HAN  DYNASTY 

says  ot  this  book  that  “it  is  vague,  confused, 
and  inaccurate.”  The  only  safe  method  of  pro- 
cedure is  to  follow  the  method  of  Wu  Ta-ch’eng  in 
Ku  Yii  K'ao,  as  adopted  by  Laufer.  This  is  to 
work  from  existing  specimens  under  the  guidance 
of  literary  records.  The  sources  of  information 
in  literature  are  fewer  than  in  the  case  of  bronzes, 
but  are  sufficient  to  serve  as  guides  along  true  lines 
of  investigation. 

There  are  three  great  periods  in  which  jade  was 
especially  prized  and  when  jade  objects  were 
fabricated,  viz.,  the  San  Tai  and  the  Han  (down 

[70] 


JADE  DISK  ON  STAND,  HAN  DYNASTY 


JADE  DISK-TABLET,  HAN  DYNASTY 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


to  a.d.  221),  the  T’ang-Sung  (a.d.  618-1277),  and 
pre-eminently  the  Ch’ien  Lung  period  (a.d.  1736- 
1796).  Reference  to  ancient  jade  means  jade 
belonging  to  the  dynasties  precedent  to  a.d.  221, 
and  reference  to  modern  jades  means  those  of  the 
Ch’ien  Lung  or  later  periods.  Some  of  the  most 
beautiful  specimens  which  are  now  known  belong 
to  the  T’ang-Sung  period,  when  jade  was  held  in 
high  esteem  by  the  wealthy,  influential  classes  and 
when  artists  of  known  repute  furnished  proofs  for 
lapidaries,  as  they  did  for  makers  of  ink  and  of 
bronze  mirrors.  Such  proofs  were  called/)’//,  were 
painted  on  silk  or  paper,  and  may  still  be  occa- 
sionally seen  in  collections. 

An  interesting  example  of  ancient  jade  is  the 
large  scepter,  ta  kuei.  It  was  the  symbol  of  im- 
perial sovereignty.  It  was  carried  by  an  emperor 
in  his  girdle,  where  it  was  attached  by  cords  pass- 
ing through  the  circular  holes  in  the  scepter. 
When  he  granted  formal  audiences,  he  held  it  in 
his  right  hand  upright  to  the  shoulder,  where  it 
rested  comfortably  on  account  of  the  smoothing- 
off  of  the  upper  edge  near  the  end.  This  tablet 
is  one  of  three  that  were  taken,  in  1902,  from  the 
grave  of  Shao  Rung,  who  is  said  to  have  died  in 
b.c.  1053.  While  Tuan  Fang  was  governor  of 
Shen-si  province,  he  ordered  the  repairing  of  this 
grave,  but  in  the  process  the  masonry  collapsed 

[72] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


and  these  scepters  were  found.  One  remains  in 
the  possession  of  Tuan  Fang’s  family,  one  belongs 
to  Feng  Kung-tu,  of  Peking,  and  the  third  is  now 
in  an  American  collection.  It  is  not  decorated  or 
inscribed.  The  color  is  a combination  of  brown, 
yellow,  and  dark  shades.  Shao  Kung  was  the 
link  between  the  Shang  and  Chow  dynasties,  so 
that  this  is  one  of  the  earliest  authenticated  speci- 
mens of  jade.  A jade  scepter  with  a phoenix  on 
one  side  and  a man’s  head  on  the  other  is  owned  by 
Huang  Chung-hui  and  is  by  him  attributed  to  the 
emperor  Shao  Hao  (b.c.  2598-2514).  Its  form  is 
that  of  the  hsin  kuei,  which  were  carried  by 
officers  of  the  rank  of  marquis  during  audiences. 
It  is  a beautiful  specimen,  but  there  seems  no 
good  reason  for  assigning  this  piece  to  any 
special  period,  although  I have  no  doubt  that 
such  work  was  done  in  very  remote  antiquity 
in  China. 

Other  interesting  examples  are  those  of  the 
figure  of  a lady  from  the  collection  of  Wang  I-jung 
and  by  him  attributed  to  the  Chow  dynasty,  of  a 
man’s  face  used  as  a cap  ornament,  of  flat  bells, 
of  seals,  and  of  spear  heads.  The  decoration  of  a 
large  disk,  pi,  is  characteristic  of  the  good  work 
of  ancient  jade.  The  disk  has  a diameter  of 
8tV  inches  and  a bore  of  i\  inches.  It  has  con- 
centric, wide  bands  around  the  bore  and  outer 

[74] 


BROXZES  AND  JADES 


rim,  both  richly  decorated  with  conventional 
scrolls.  The  outer  scroll  is  of  square  geometric 
designs  and  the  inner  of  interlacing  lines.  Two 
concentric  bands  divide  the  flat  surface  of  the 
disk  midway  between  the  inner  and  outer  bands. 
This  division  allows  different  decoration  on  the 
inner  and  outer  halves  of  the  disk.  The  outer 
half  is  a decoration  of  intertwining  dragons,  of 
which  there  are  pairs.  Each  pair  is  separated 
from  the  adjoining  one  by  a circular  disk  repre- 
senting the  sun.  The  decoration  of  the  inner  half 
is  of  cloud  pattern  scroll,  yun  xen.  The  reverse 
side  of  the  disk  has  concentric  bands  around  the 
bore  and  outer  rim  decorated  in  the  same  style  as 
on  the  obverse.  The  flat  surface,  however,  is  not 
divided  into  inner  and  outer  halves,  but  is  covered 
with  a bold  design  of  k’uei  lung  or  undeveloped 
dragon. 

A curious  example  of  the  symbolism  of  the  San 
Tai  period  is  the  fantastic  creature  made  to  serve 
as  the  neck  of  a violin,  yao  ctiin.  The  head  of 
the  creature  is  divided  into  four  lobes  as  a re- 
minder of  the  four  classes  of  ancient  music,  viz., 
that  which  resembles  the  noise  of  a deer,  the  call 
of  the  fabulous  beast,  tsou  yu,  the  beating  of 
sandal-wood,  and  the  voice  of  Wen  Wang.  There 
are  perforations  for  five  strings.  The  squatting 
posture  makes  possible  the  holding  of  this  neck 

[75] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


in  the  hand  so  as  to  be  comfortable  and  easy. 
More  usual  is  the  symbolism  by  which  a round 
disk,  pi,  was  used  in  the  worship  of  earth,  and 
other  shapes  for  the  four  points  of  the  compass. 


JADE  CUP  OX  STAND,  SUNG  DYNASTY 

Jade  was  also  the  most  precious  gift  to  the  dead. 
It  was  used  in  preparing  the  body  for  burial  by 
providing  a cover  for  the  eyelids  and  mouth  and 
a stopper  for  the  nose  and  ears.  It  was  also  used 

[76] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


as  weights  for  holding  the  burial  clothes  in  place, 
and  for  this  purpose  small  holes  were  bored  in  the 


DETAIL  OF  ONE  SECTION  OF  DECORA- 
TION ON  JADE  CUP  ILLUSTRATED 
ON  PAGE  76 


reverse  side  through  which  the  jade  objects  could 
be  sewed  on.  For  these  purposes,  jade  of  white 
color  was  preferred. 


[77] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


The  uses  of  modern  jades  have  been  described 
by  Bushell  in  a translation  from  a Chinese  writer: 
“Among  the  large  things  carved  in  jade,  we  have 
all  kinds  of  ornamental  vases  and  receptacles 
for  flowers,  large  round  dishes  for  fruit,  wide- 
mouthed bowls,  and  cisterns;  among  smaller 
objects,  pendants  for  the  girdle,  hairpins,  and 
rings.  For  the  banquet  table  there  are  bowls, 
cups,  and  ewers  for  wine;  as  congratulatory  gifts, 
a variety  of  round  medallions  and  oblong  talis- 
mans with  inscriptions.  Beakers  and  vases  are 
provided,  to  be  frequently  replenished  at  wine- 
parties,  a wine-pot  with  its  prescribed  set  of 
three  cups  for  bridal  ceremonies.  There  is  a 
statuette  of  the  Buddha  of  long  life  to  pray  to 
for  length  of  days,  a screen  carved  with  the  eight 
immortal  genii  for  Taoist  worship.  Ju-i  scep- 
ters and  fretwork  mirror-stands  are  highly 
valued  for  betrothal  gifts;  hairpins,  ear-rings, 
studs  for  the  forehead,  and  bracelets  for  personal 
adornment.  For  the  scholar’s  study  the  set  of 
three,  tripod,  vase,  and  box,  is  at  hand  for  burn- 
ing incense;  for  more  luxurious  halls  sculptured 
flowers  of  jade  and  jewels  in  jade  pots  are 
arranged  in  pairs,  displaying  flowers  appropriate 
to  the  current  season  of  the  year.  Combs  of 
jade  are  used  to  dress  the  black  tresses  of  beauty 
at  dawn,  pillows  of  jade  for  the  divan,  to  snatch 

[78] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


“a  dream  of  elegance  at  noon.  Rests  for  the 
writer’s  wrist  lie  beside  the  ink  pallet,  weights  are 
made  for  the  tongue  of  the  dead  laid  out  for  the 
funeral.  Rouge-pots  and  powder-boxes  pro- 
vide the  damsel  with  the  bloom  of  the  peach, 


Reverse  Obverse 

JADE  BELL,  SUNG  DYNASTY 

brush-pots  and  ink-rests  hold  the  weapons  of 
the  scholar  in  his  window.  The  eight  precious 
emblems  of  good  fortune — the  wheel  of  the  law, 
conch-shell,  umbrella,  canopy,  lotus-flower,  jar, 
pair  of  fish,  and  endless  knot — are  ranged  on 
the  altar  of  the  Buddhist  shrine;  pomegran- 
ates bursting  open  to  display  the  seeds,  sacred 
peaches,  and  Buddha’s  hand  citrons  appear  as 
symbols  of  the  three  all-prayed-for  abundances — 

[79] 


JADE  DRAGON  CARVING,  SUNG  DYNASTY 


JADE  PENDANT,  HAN  DYNASTY 

[Bo] 


BRONZES  AND  JADES 


“of  sons,  of  years,  of  happiness.  Linked  chains 
of  jade  are  tokens  of  lasting  friendship,  jade 
seals  attest  the  authenticity  of  important  docu- 
ments. There  are  beads  for  the  rosary,  to  num- 
ber the  invocations  of  Buddha,  paper-weights 
for  the  writing  table  of  the  scholar,  tassel  orna- 
ments for  the  fan  screen  hiding  the  face  of  the 
coquette,  and  keyless  locks  of  jade  for  clasping 
round  the  necks  of  children.  Among  other 
things  may  be  mentioned  mortars  and  pestles 
for  pounding  drugs,  thumb-rings  for  protecting 
the  hand  of  the  archer  from  the  recoil  of  the 
bowstring,  jade  mouthpieces  for  the  pipes  of 
tobacco  smokers,  and  jade  chopsticks  for  gour- 
mands.” 

The  beauty  of  good  specimens  of  jade,  especially 
of  ancient  jade,  is  not  only  appreciated  by  the  eye, 
but  also,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  by  the  sense  of 
touch.  It  is  unique  in  making  this  double  appeal 
to  the  aesthetic  taste.  It  may  readily  be  granted 
that  it  is  not  a branch  of  art  that  can  become  pop- 
ular with  a large  number  of  people.  Its  subtlety 
restricts  its  enjoyment  to  the  few,  but  to  them  it 
provides,  in  every  sense,  the  refinement  of  artistic 
feeling. 


[81] 


Ill 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 
STONES 

The  paucity  of  ancient  stone  monuments  cannot 
be  accounted  for  by  the  difficulty  of  working  in 
this  hard  material  nor  by  any  lack  of  suitable 
varieties  of  stone  in  the  districts  where  civilization 
flourished.  Jade  is  harder  than  stone,  and  it  must 
also  have  been  very  scarce;  yet  it  was  fabricated 
into  artistic  shapes  at  the  very  dawn  of  Chinese 
life.  One  reason  for  the  neglect  of  the  use  of 
stone  is  doubtless  that  its  products  did  not  fit 
into  the  ancient  Chinese  scheme  of  life,  i.e.,  cere- 
monial vessels  could  not  be  fashioned  from  it  with 
such  perfect  technique  as  from  bronze;  neither 
was  there  any  place  for  stone  in  divination.  Fur- 
thermore, stone  is  coarse  of  grain  and  cold.  It 
breathes  no  warmth  of  feeling  except  in  the 
hands  of  the  greatest  artists,  and  in  China  these 
all  preferred  to  work  in  bronze  and  jade.  Such 
materials  did  not  require  great  muscular  strength 
in  the  manipulation  of  tools  and  did  not  make 
it  impossible  for  artists  to  turn  their  hands  to 
the  more  delicate  process  of  plying  the  stylus 
or  writing-brush.  From  the  earliest  times,  the 

[82] 


TABLET  OF  BUDDHA  PREACHING 


[831 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


ability  to  write  ideographs  in  an  artistic  fashion 
has  been  the  beau-ideal  of  cultured  Chinese,  and 
anything  which  interfered  with  writing  was  to  be 
strictly  avoided.  This  calligraphy  has  required 
a careful  development  of  muscular  delicacy  rather 
than  strength,  and  artists  have  been  unwilling 
to  sacrifice  the  arm-power  necessary  for  writing 
to  that  needed  in  sculpture.  Another  reason  is 
that  stone  sculpture  where  it  has  chiefly  flourished 
has  devoted  itself  to  human  subjects,  and  in 
Chinese  philosophy  man  stands  at  the  end  in  the 
trinity  of  heaven,  earth,  and  man.  It  was  more 
important,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Chinese,  that  they 
should  discover  the  will  of  Heaven  and  placate  the 
powers  of  Earth  through  ceremony  and  divination 
than  that  they  should  busy  themselves  with 
perpetuating  the  figures  of  their  fellow  human 
beings. 

The  earliest  stone  remains,  k’o  shih , concern  a 
student  of  art  only  to  the  extent  of  the  beauty 
of  the  ideographs  in  the  inscriptions;  otherwise 
they  are  devoid  of  decoration  or  beauty  of  shape. 
Such  early  tablets  as  the  Shang  Shu  or  T’ai  Shan 
are  of  profound  interest  to  the  student  of  epig- 
raphy, for  they  form  an  essential  link  between  the 
“tortoise-shell  cracks  and  birds’  tracks”  writing 
found  in  inscriptions  on  bronze  vessels  or  on  oracu- 
lar bones  and  the  written  characters  of  literature; 

[84] 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


but  their  crudity  makes  it  possible  to  pass  them 
over  in  a study  of  the  development  of  art  in 
China,  without  making  any  break  in  continuity 
and  without  neglect  of  any  influence  which  should 
be  noted  in  later  periods.  Epigraphv  is  a fas- 
cinating study  among  Chinese  savants.  Tuan 
Fang  made  a wonderful  collection  of  stones,  but 
it  was  wholly  intended  as  an  aid  in  the  decipher- 
ment and  interpretation  of  ancient  inscriptions. 
I have  a complete  set  of  rubbings  of  his  best  speci- 
mens, but  have  found  in  them  no  aid  to  artistic 
studies.  The  contents  of  this  collection  may  be 
found  in  the  publication  T'ao  Chai  Chi  Shih  Lu. 

Fortunately,  the  process  of  making  paper  rub- 
bings from  monuments  is  coeval  with  the  making 
of  books  and  manuscripts.  This  has  perpetuated 
these  records.  The  method  of  making  rubbings 
at  the  present  time  probably  does  not  differ  much 
from  the  original  process.  It  is  as  follows: 
Thin  white  paper  made  of  bamboo  pulp  is  wetted 
with  a solution  of  seaweed  and  then  spread  over 
the  face  of  the  object,  where  it  is  forced  into  all 
depressions  by  the  use  of  a stiff  brush.  After 
the  paper  dries,  it  is  inked,  and  the  desired  im- 
pression is  obtained.  Such  rubbings  have  the 
great  advantage  of  accuracy,  as  well  as  of  con- 
venience of  transmission.  Rubbings  of  all  the 
ancient  stone  tablets  of  China  have  been  made. 

[85] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


These  have  been  collected  into  books,  com- 
mencing with  the  Sung  dynasty,  during  which 
period  Ou-Yang  Hsiu  and  Hung  Kua  were 
pioneers  in  examining  and  commenting  upon 
these  records.  Whenever  a new  tablet  has  been 
discovered,  it  has  been  carefully  noted  in  re- 
visions of  early  books  or  by  later  publications. 
It  can  be  said  with  accuracy  that  there  is  in 
China  practically  no  stone  monument  of  artistic 
or  literary  importance  of  which  one  cannot  obtain 
information  in  books  that  have  been  written 
on  this  general  subject.  Western  students  have 
been  slow  to  avail  themselves  of  the  information 
contained  in  these  scholarly  books.  The  first 
to  lead  the  way  in  this,  as  in  so  many  other 
directions,  was  Bushell,  who  read  a paper  before 
the  Oriental  Congress  assembled  in  Berlin  in  1 88 1 
on  “Inscriptions  from  the  Tombs  of  the  Wu 
Family,  Located  at  Tzu-yiin  Mountain,  28  li 
South  of  Chia-hsiang,  Shan-tung  Province.” 
Chavannes  followed  up  this  work  by  making  two 
extended  tours  in  China  in  the  investigation  of 
monuments.  After  his  first  journey,  he  published 
La  sculpture  sur  pierre  en  Chine  au  temps  des  deux 
dynasties  Han  (Paris,  1893)  and,  after  the  second, 
his  monumental  illustrated  Mission  archeologique 
dans  la  Chine  septentrionale.  In  both  of  these 
books  Chavannes  has  made  large  use  of  rubbings, 

[86] 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


and  most  of  his  illustrations  are  photographs  of 
them. 

The  earliest  stone  shaped  into  the  form  of  a 
tablet,  pei , is  at  Pao-ch’eng,  Shen-si  province,  and 
is  dated  a.d.  63,  the  sixth  year  of  the  famous 
emperor  Ming  Ti,  who  introduced  Buddhism  into 
China.  This  tablet  commemorates  in  an  in- 
scription the  completion  of  a section  of  the  Great 
Wall,  built  to  check  the  ravages  of  the  Hsiung-nu. 
Another  early  stone  is  found  at  Hsin-tu,  Sze- 
ch’uan  province,  and  is  dated  a.d.  105.  There  are 
also  five  stones  on  the  famous  Sung  Mountain  in 
Teng-feng,  Ho-nan  province,  which  I have  had  no 
opportunity  to  examine  either  by  visiting  the 
site  or  by  seeing  rubbings.  The  earliest  stone 
with  decorative  design  is  usually  considered  to 
be  the  burial  stone  of  Wen  Shu-yang  at  Yii-t’ai, 
Shan-tung  province.  It  is  dated  a.d.  144,  the 
first  year  of  the  emperor  Chien  K’ang.  The 
design  is  that  of  two  figures  squatting  on  their 
knees  and  sitting  tete-a-tete.  Both  wear  the 
high  official  head-gear  and  wide-flowing  robes, 
and  both  have  their  arms  folded  within  their 
spacious  sleeves.  Over  their  heads  auspiciously 
hovers  a bird  in  flight.  To  the  left  is  an  inscrip- 
tion in  six  lines.  Around  the  outside  of  the  design 
and  inscription  is  a series  of  three  squares  resem- 
bling frames.  On  account  of  this  tablet  having 

[B?] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


a design  of  human  figures,  it  belongs  to  the  class 
of  hua  hsiang,  i.e.,  tablets  with  figures,  as  dis- 
tinguished from  peiy  tablets. 


WEN  SHU- YANG  STONE,  A.D.  144 


There  is  a similar  stone,  of  which  I obtained 
a rubbing,  at  T’ai-an  fu,  but  the  location  of  which 
I have  not  been  able  to  learn  definitely,  though 

[88] 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


it  is  said  to  have  come  from  Chia-hsiang,  Shan- 
tung province.  It  has  figures  similar  in  dress 
and  position  of  body  to  those  of  the  Wen  Shu- 
yang  stone,  but  the  design  is  much  more  elabo- 
rate. It  is  a bout  between  two  mounted  knights, 
with  musicians  on  either  side  in  the  lowest  panel 


FUNERARY-CHAMBER  DECORATION,  SECOND  CENTURY 


and  gymnastic  performances  in  the  panel  above. 
The  architectural  designs  of  the  central  and  two 
side  pavilions  correspond  with  the  detailed  descrip- 
tion found  in  literary  records.  On  the  roof  of 
the  main  pavilion,  a male  and  a female  phoenix 
have  alighted  from  opposite  directions  and  are 
being  welcomed  by  an  attendant.  There  are 
also  several  pairs  of  swallows.  This  stone,  to- 
gether with  the  Wen  Shu-yang  stone,  doubtless 

[89] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


represents  the  type  of  work  which  was  later 
copied  at  Lo-yang  in  the  Lung  Men  grottoes,  when 
Buddhistic  scenes  came  to  replace  those  taken 
from  history  or  tradition.  As  examples  of  this 
earlier  type  these  stones  are  of  great  importance. 

A paper  published  in  the  Journal  of  the  North 
China  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society , Shang- 
hai, 1917,  by  Victor  Segalen,  assigns  the  Feng 
pillars  at  Ch’ii-hsien,  Sze-ch’uan  province,  to  the 
year  a.d.  121.  He  does  not  state  on  what  author- 
ity this  date  has  been  chosen,  and  I have  not  been 
able  to  find  any  date  on  the  rubbings  of  the 
stone.  Fang  Pei  Lu  classifies  it  among  undated 
stones,  but  assigns  it  to  the  Han  period.  It  is 
a splendid  specimen  of  early  work.  It  has  a 
rectangular  base.  This  base  supports  a shaft 
crowned  with  a corbel  over  which  is  a roof.  The 
shaft  is  inscribed  with  ideographs  beautifully 
written  and  giving  the  titles  of  the  man  Feng, 
at  the  entrance  to  whose  grave  this  pillar  was 
erected.  Such  cemetery  pillars  are  called  shen 
tao  c/iiieh,  “pillars  of  the  spirit’s  pathway.” 
At  the  base  of  the  shaft  is  a strange  design, 
resembling  a crab  spider,  which  is  not  mentioned 
by  Segalen  and  the  use  of  which  is  peculiar  to  this 
one  tablet,  as  far  as  is  known  to  me. 

The  best-known  of  the  early  stones  are  those  of 
the  Wu  Liang  Tz’u  at  Chia-hsiang,  Shan-tung 

l9°] 


FENG  STONE  PILLARS,  A.D,  121,  CH  U- 
HSIEN,  SZE  CH  UAN  PROVINCE 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


province.  About  ten  miles  south  of  the  city  of 
Chia-hsiang,  at  the  foot  of  the  Tzu-yiin  Moun- 
tain, funerary  chambers  were  erected  bv  the  Wu 
family.  There  are  inscriptions  in  honor  of  various 
members  of  the  family,  four  of  which  have  been 
preserved,  viz.,  those  of  Wu  K’ai-ming,  who  died 
a.d.  148,  of  his  brother,  Wu  Liang  (died  a.d. 
1 51),  and  of  the  two  sons  of  Wu  K’ai-ming, 


CONFUCIUS  MEETING  LA0TSE  (FROM  WU  LIANG  TZ’U) 


Wu  Pan  (died  a.d.  145)  and  Wu  Jung,  who 
died  a.d.  167.  Wu  Pan,  whose  death  occurred 
before  the  others,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty- 
five  had  already  been  Lieutenant-Governor  of 
Tun-huang,  now  in  Kan-su  province,  the  place 
at  which  Stein  discovered  his  stone  house.  Wu 
Jung  was  an  officer  in  the  palace  at  Lo-yang 
(Ho-nan  fu).  Both  of  these  brothers,  therefore, 
had  come  in  contact  with  the  influences  of  the 
western  part  of  their  country.  It  would  be  inter- 
esting to  know  if  those  who  erected  the  earlier 
tablet  of  Wen  Shu-yang  had  also  traveled  in  west- 
ern China,  for  in  that  case  it  would  be  easy  to  come 

[92] 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


to  the  conclusion  that  stone  monuments  originated 
in  the  Shu  district,  which  comprised  all  of  west- 
ern China.  This  is  suggested  by  Segalen,  but  no 
such  theory  has  been  advanced  by  any  Chinese 
critic,  and  it  is  safer  to  assert  as  a working  hy- 
pothesis that  the  imperial  conquests  of  the  Ts’in 
and  Han  dynasties  allowed  such  freedom  of  inter- 
communication as  to  cause  simultaneous  develop- 
ment of  new  methods. 

These  funerary  chambers  of  the  Wu  family,  with 
their  two  pillars  of  approach,  have  been  fully 
described,  in  their  minutest  details,  by  Chinese 
authors.  Rubbings  of  them  have  been  taken,  of 
which  Chavannes  has  given  a complete  photo- 
graphic reproduction  in  his  Mission  archeologique. 
There  were  an  anterior  and  a posterior  chamber, 
also  one  to  the  right  and  another  to  the  left, 
thus  forming  the  usual  arrangement  of  a Chinese 
residence  around  a rectangular  courtyard.  An- 
cient legendary  scenes  were  represented,  com- 
mencing with  Fu  Hsi  and  extending  down  through 
the  period  of  the  Five  Emperors.  These  were 
succeeded  chronologically  by  historical  and  clas- 
sical scenes,  such  as  Confucius  meeting  Laotse, 
which  in  their  turn  were  followed  by  illustrations 
of  domestic  life  in  the  Wu  family.  These  picto- 
graphs  are  executed  in  low  relief.  They  are  full 
of  life  and  show  a good  degree  of  artistic  taste. 

[93] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


They  exhibit  two  conventions  which  are  common 
to  the  metopes  and  friezes  of  Greece.  The  heads 
of  the  persons  portrayed  are  kept  as  far  as  possible 
on  the  same  level,  whether  they  are  seated  in  a 
chariot,  are  walking,  or  are  on  horseback.  An- 
other convention  is  the  adaptation  of  the  size  of 
the  figure  to  the  relative  importance  of  the  person 
represented.  A servant  is  always  smaller  in  size 
than  his  master,  an  animal  smaller  in  proportion 
than  a human  being.  This  is  the  artist’s  tribute 
to  the  idealist  spirit  which  placed  moral  considera- 
tions on  a higher  plane  than  visible  effects.  The 
technique  of  these  tablets  is  not  equal  to  that 
found  on  similar  work  of  earlier  origin  in  Greece, 
but  rivals  it  in  the  vigor  of  life-movement  and  in 
harmony  of  conception.  It  is  worthy  of  note 
that  the  name  of  the  sculptor,  Li  Ti-mao,  is  in- 
scribed on  one  of  the  pillars.  As  a rule,  nothing  is 
known  of  the  names  of  sculptors,  and  no  mention 
is  made  of  them  on  their  works.  There  are  other 
remains  in  Shan-tung — notably  on  Hsiao-t’ang 
Mountain  in  Fei-ch’eng — which  are  carved  in 
the  same  style  of  work  as  that  found  in  the  Wu 
family  chambers. 

Two  memorial  pillars  erected  in  honor  of  Shen 
at  Ch’ii-hsien,  Sze-ch’uan,  belong  to  the  Han 
dynasty  and  probably  to  the  second  century  a.d. 
One  has  an  inscription  of  four  ideographs  and 

[94] 


SHEN  MEMORIAL  PILLARS,  SECOND  CENTURY,  AT  CH'U-HSIEN,  SZE  CH  UAN  PROVINCE 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


the  other  of  seven,  over  which,  in  both  cases,  is  a 
fine  figure  of  a phoenix.  These  are  the  noblest 
examples  of  early  Chinese  sculpture.  The  design 
is  strong,  and  the  figures  are  full  of  nervous  energy, 
especially  in  the  long  neck.  The  extended  wings 
also  add  life  to  the  figures.  These  birds  compare 
favorably  with  the  sculptural  designs  of  any  coun- 
try and  make  these  pillars  one  of  the  great  art 
treasures  of  China. 

Another  stone  of  great  importance  is  located 
at  Ch’en  hsien,  Kan-su  province.  It  bears  no 
date,  but  a short  distance  behind  it  is  another 
stone  which  refers  to  Li  Hsi  and  which  is  dated 
a.d.  1 71,  fourth  year  of  Chien  Ning.  This  is  the 
earliest  attempt  to  represent  landscape  on  stone. 
At  the  top  of  the  stone  to  the  right  there  is  a deer 
and  to  the  left  a dragon.  At  the  bottom  are  two 
trees  joined  together  by  a branch  growing  into 
both  of  them.  At  the  center  of  this  branch  a 
shoot  springs  up.  To  the  right  is  a pool  of  water, 
by  the  side  of  which  are  two  trees.  Under  the 
trees  to  the  left  stands  a man  with  arm  extended, 
as  if  elevating  some  votive  offering.  As  the  in- 
scription praises  the  virtue  of  Li  Hsi,  who  was  a 
local  official,  the  design  of  the  engraving  is  to 
represent  the  excellent  crops,  chi  a ho,  which  had 
been  vouchsafed  to  the  district  during  his  in- 
cumbency. The  dragon  represents  the  benevo- 

[96] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


lent  rain  which  fills  the  pools,  and  the  deer  speaks 
of  the  blessing  of  length  of  days.  The  name  of  the 
tablet  is  “Five  Omens  of  the  Frog  Pool” — Ming 
ch'ih  wujui. 

There  are  two  other  stones  of  the  Han  dynasty 
which  deserve  especial  attention.  One  is  a slab 
which  was  over  the  portal  of  a funerary  chamber 


STONE  OF  FUNERARY  CHAMBER,  SECOND  CENTURY 


erected  in  honor  of  the  wife  ot  a lieutenant- 
governor  of  a southwestern  frontier  district.  It 
has  a fine  figure  of  a recumbent  deer  with  spread- 
ing antlers.  The  other  is  located  near  Yang-chow 
at  Pao-ying,  on  the  Grand  Canal,  whither  it  was 
removed  from  Chiang-tu  in  1830  by  the  descend- 
ants of  Wang,  who  discovered  the  stone  in  1785. 
It  has  three  panels,  the  upper  being  the  figure  of 
a phoenix,  the  lower  being  the  figure  of  a warrior 
rushing  into  combat  with  a shield  in  his  left  hand, 

[98] 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


which  is  thrust  out  in  front  of  him,  and  an  un- 
sheathed sword  in  his  right  hand.  These  examples 
of  stone  sculpture  are  all  of  the  second  century 
a.d.,  and  they  are  the  earliest  known  to  Chinese 
archeologists;  but  Segalen  claims  to  have  dis- 
covered a figure  at  the  grave  of  Ho  Ch’ii-ping 
dated  b.c.  117.  Greater  details  of  this  discovery 
are  needed  before  this  date  can  be  accepted. 

The  epoch  of  the  Three  Kingdoms,  which  suc- 
ceeded the  Han  dynasty,  has  left  a few  inscribed 
tablets,  but  none  of  them  is  decorated.  During 
the  period  of  division  between  the  North  and 
South  (a.d.  420-907),  the  northern  frontier  tribes 
became  increasingly  troublesome.  The  stirring 
events  of  those  days  center  around  the  raids 
of  the  Mu-yung  and  To-ba  tribes  (the  two 
divisions  of  the  original  tribe  Hsien-pi)  and  the 
deeds  of  the  two  generals,  Fu  Chien  (a.d.  337-384) 
and  Wang  Meng  (a.d.  325-375).  After  the 
principality  of  Yen  (modern  Chih-li)  had  been 
annexed  to  Tsin,  General  Fu  Chien  brought 
40,000  Turkic  families  and  settled  them  in  the 
neighborhood  of  his  capital  at  P’ing  Ch’eng  (mod- 
ern Ta-t’ung  fu).  It  was  without  doubt  these 
families  which  brought  the  Gandhara  motives 
eastward  and  produced  the  statuary  in  the  P’ing 
Ch’eng  grottoes  at  Ta-t’ung  fu,  which  Chavannes 
has  named  from  the  adjacent  village,  Yiin-kang. 

[99] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


This  crude,  inartistic,  unspiritual  statuary  has 
never  called  lor  more  than  a passing  notice  by 
Chinese  critics,  for  in  addition  to  its  lack  of 
aesthetic  appeal  it  has  been  considered  as  un- 
Chinese.  It  is  in  a class  by  itself  and  stands 
apart  from  the  main  current  of  the  evolution  of 
art  in  China.  The  chief  reason  for  ruling  this 
sculpture  out  of  the  class  of  Chinese  productions 
is  its  entire  lack  of  appreciation  of  the  culture  of 
China,  shown  in  its  neglect  of  any  literary  in- 
scription. This  clearly  labels  it  as  the  work  of 
men  who  were  not  Chinese  in  education  or  cul- 
ture. Full  details  of  these  grottoes  may  be  found 
in  Chavannes’  Mission  archeologique. 

The  Northern  Wei  dynasty  made  its  capital 
at  P’ing-ch’eng  until  the  reign  of  Hsiao  Wen 
Ti,  the  son  of  Toba  Hung,  when  it  was  removed 
to  Lo-yang,  in  Ho-nan,  which  had  been  the  capital 
during  the  Later  Han  dynasty.  Hsiao  Wen  Ti 
was  a man  of  refinement  and  a good  scholar.  He 
was  an  ardent  disciple  of  Confucius,  on  whom  he 
conferred  an  honorific  title.  Not  long  after  his 
arrival  at  his  new  capital,  he  caused  a statue  to 
be  erected  in  honor  of  an  old  man  of  Lo-yang. 
This  was  in  a.d.  493,  and  from  that  date  onward 
Lo-yang  became  the  chief  influence  in  the  erection 
of  stone  statues  and  bas-reliefs  in  the  grottoes  on 
the  hillsides  of  northwestern  Ho-nan.  The  in- 

[100] 


SHE  YANG  STONE,  SECOND  CENTURY 

[IOI] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


fluence  of  the  culture  of  the  new  capital  may  be 
seen  in  the  contrast  of  the  quality  of  sculpture  in 
the  vicinity  of  Lo-yang  with  the  unfinished  work  of 
the  Yun-kang  grottoes  near  the  former  capital. 
In  Lo-yang  the  old  classical  influences  of  China, 
which  centered  here  during  the  Han  dynasty  and 
retained  their  original  strength,  exerted  their  con- 
verting power  over  the  sculpture  which  the  Bud- 
dhists imported  from  Gandhara  through  P’ing 
Ch’eng.  Literary  inscriptions  were  attached  to 
stone  reliefs,  as  was  the  custom  in  the  Han 
dynasty,  and,  though  the  subjects  were  exclusively 
Buddhistic,  they  were  treated  in  refined  taste  and 
with  due  regard  for  Chinese  tradition. 

The  first  site  chosen  for  the  glorification  of 
Buddhism  had  been  long  famous  in  history. 
I Ch’iieh,  about  ten  miles  south  of  Lo-yang,  is 
the  opening  in  the  hills  through  which  the  I 
River  flows  to  join  the  Lo  before  it  empties  into 
the  Yellow  River.  Precipitous  hills  of  Cambro- 
Ordovician  limestone  are  on  both  sides  of  the 
narrow  valley,  and  these  became  known  as  the  pil- 
lars of  I,  I Ch'iieh.  It  was  known  in  the  “Spring 
and  Autumn  Annals”  as  Chow  Ch'iieh  Sai  and 
was  associated  with  the  legendary  exploits  of  the 
Great  Yu  in  his  conservancy  of  the  waters  of  the 
empire.  It  had  also  been  the  scene  of  many 
important  military  engagements.  The  rocky  hill 

[102] 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


on  the  left  bank  has  a water-worn  fissure  about 
ten  feet  wide,  which  came  to  be  known  as  “The 
Gate  of  the  Dragon,”  Lung  Men,  and  this  is  now 
the  popular  local  name  of  the  whole  place.  Lung 
Men  has  been  widely  exploited,  and  from  its 


VIEW  OF  LUNG  MEN 


hillside  many  of  the  stone  figures  now  known  in 
western  countries  have  come. 

The  stone  sculpture  of  this  district,  which  was 
commenced  in  an  artistically  orthodox  manner  by 
Hsiao  Wen  Ti  in  his  erection  of  a heroic  statue, 
flourished  with  a new  motive  during  the  reign 
of  his  son  Hsiian  Wu  Ti,  who  came  to  the  throne 
as  an  infant.  Phis  emperor  was  surrounded  by 
courtiers  devoted  to  Buddhism,  and  during  his 
reign  there  are  said  to  have  been  erected  more  than 

[103] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


13,000  temples.  The  title  of  his  reign  was  changed 
three  times.  It  was  first  Ching  Ming  (500-504), 
then  Cheng  Shih  (504-508),  Yung  P’ing  (508-512), 
and  finally  Yen  Ch’ang  (512-516).  The  earliest 
image,  tsao  hsiang,  at  Lung  Men  bears  the  date 
a.d.  502 — the  third  year  of  this  emperor — and 
from  this  time  on  through  the  remaining  years 
of  his  reign  images  were  produced  in  great  num- 
bers. They  are  more  refined  and  are  of  higher 
grade  than  the  earlier  work  at  the  Yun-kang 
grottoes,  for  the  influence  of  earlier  Chinese  sculp- 
ture, such  as  is  found  in  the  funerary  chambers  at 
Chia-hsiang,  Shan-tung,  was  felt  in  court  circles 
and  softened  the  harshness  of  the  earlier  Buddhis- 
tic importation.  It  will  be  noticed  that  I have 
begun  to  use  a new  term — image — and  in  this  I 
am  following  strictly  the  Chinese  usage,  which 
has  steadily  refused  to  allow  these  Buddhistic 
products  to  be  dignified  by  the  use  of  the  ordinary 
term  for  reliefs  of  human  figures,  hua  hsiang. 
The  term  used,  tsao  hsiang , means  literally 
“erected  according  to  designs”  and  serves  to 
designate  these  figures  as  religious  emblems 
and  to  differentiate  them  from  other  sculpture  in 
stone  or  from  bronzes.  It  may  be  allowed  that 
this  distinction  is  the  result  of  the  religious  preju- 
dices of  Confucian  scholars;  but  this  prejudice 
must  be  taken  into  account  in  the  art  valuations 

[104] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


of  a country  where  the  literary  class  has  been 
the  custodian  and  defender  of  artistic  treasures  as 
well  as  of  classical  traditions. 

These  tsao  hsiang  usually  consist  of  a Bud- 
dhistic figure  cut  in  bold  relief  in  a niche  out  of 
solid  rock,  with  the  highest  part  of  the  relief 
just  level  with  the  edge  of  the  niche.  The  loca- 
tion of  the  inscription  depends  upon  the  relation 
of  the  niche  to  adjoining  ones,  but  whenever  pos- 
sible, it  is  below  the  carving.  The  stone  figures, 
which  are  known  only  by  the  descriptive  name  shih 
hsiang , are  cut  in  ronde-bosse  out  of  the  side  of 
the  rock,  to  which  they  are  attached  at  the  base  or 
back.  The  mammoth  figures  are  built  up  out  of 
several  pieces,  which  are  cleverly  joined  together  so 
as  to  be  scarcely  visible.  These  figures  are  carved 
on  the  same  general  lines  as  those  at  P’ing-ch’eng, 
which  were  after  the  models  of  Gandhara.  They 
show  better  workmanship  than  the  earlier  ones, 
but  in  conception  they  remain  emblems  of  a for- 
eign faith.  It  may  be  argued  that  Buddhism  has 
become  so  incorporated  into  the  life  of  China  that 
it  should  no  longer  be  considered  foreign,  but  this 
is  not,  and  never  has  been,  officially  true.  Con- 
fucianism and  Taoism  are  indigenous,  but  Bud- 
dhism is  exotic.  There  are  many  opportunities  in 
American  museums  at  the  present  time  of  study- 
ing superb  examples  of  the  stone  figures  of  this 

[106] 


i 


[107] 


WEI  DYNASTY  FIGURES  AT  LUNG  MEN 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


period  and  also  a few  specimens  of  the  tsao  hsiang. 
Everyone  can  judge  for  himself  their  aesthetic 
value,  according  to  his  own  standards.  It  is 
sufficient  for  me  to  have  called  attention  to  the 
fact  that  whatever  admiration  they  may  elicit 
from  westerners,  whose  traditions  have  been  de- 
rived from  Greece,  these  figures  do  not  form  an 
essential  part  of  the  art  of  China,  nor  up  to  the 
present  time  have  they  been  sought  for  by  the 
Japanese,  whose  art  canons  are  in  strict  harmony 
with  those  of  China. 

Okakura,  in  his  Ideals  of  the  East,  pages  78  and 
92,  has  suggested  that  “a  deeper  and  more  in- 
formed study  of  the  works  of  Gandhara  itself  will 
reveal  a greater  prominence  of  Chinese  (than  of 
so-called  Greek)  influence”  and  that  the  sculp- 
tures “follow,  in  the  main,  so  far  as  we  know,  the 
Han  dynasty  style  in  features,  drapery,  and  deco- 
ration.” Considering  the  fact  that  the  culmi- 
nation of  the  art  of  the  Gandhara  school  may 
be  dated  from  a.d.  150,  it  is  impossible  to  agree 
with  Okakura’s  view,  for  we  have  no  known  Han 
stones  as  early  as  a.d.  50,  and  the  funerary  cham- 
bers of  which  he  was  evidently  thinking  when  he 
spoke  of  “drapery  and  decoration”  were  built 
at  the  close  of  the  second  century.  Without  going 
into  the  question  of  the  origin  of  the  Gandhara 
school,  it  is  quite  clear  that  China  borrowed  from 

[108] 


1 


STONE  FIGURE  OF  AMITA  BUDDHA 


[109] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Gandhara,  through  Turkic  families,  its  models  for 
the  Yiin-kang  grottoes.  Lung  Men  later  bor- 
rowed from  Yiin-kang  but  improved  upon  the 
imported  style  on  account  of  adherence  to  indige- 
nous classical  traditions. 

The  Lung  Men  grottoes  commence,  in  point 
of  time,  on  the  south  end  of  the  western  hill  with 
the  Lao  Chiin  grotto,  where  the  earliest  stone 
carvings  are  found.  The  oldest  image  here  is 
dated  a.d.  503 — fourth  year  of  Ching  Ming.  It 
is  in  honor  of  the  priest  Fah  Seng.  The  grotto 
next  to  this  northward  is  the  Lien  Hua  Kung, 
“Lotus  Palace.”  Here  is  the  immense  figure  of 
Amita  Buddha  with  attendants  on  both  sides.  A 
tablet  on  the  north  side  was  erected  by  the  empress 
VYu  (a.d.  684-705),  of  the  T’ang  dynasty.  The 
bases  of  immense  stone  pillars  may  be  seen, 
showing  that  it  was  intended  to  cover  this  large 
opening  with  a roof  and  make  it  resemble  a palace. 
Proceeding  to  the  north,  one  comes  to  the  fissure 
beyond  which  the  two  large  characters  I Ch'iieh 
are  carved  on  a huge  stone  on  the  hillside;  then  to 
the  Wan  Fu  grotto,  or  the  grotto  of  Myriad 
Buddhas,  beyond  which  is  the  charming  small 
grotto,  Shuan  Yao.  The  last  is  the  Pin  Yang 
grotto,  which  is  really  a series  of  three  grottoes 
with  temple  buildings  around  the  entrance. 
These  grottoes  contain  three  large  figures,  and  the 

[no] 


YUNG  HSI  TABLET,  A.D.534 


[III] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


ceilings  are  richly  decorated.  Pin  Yang  is  the 
first  place  which  one  visits  when  the  approach 
is  made  from  Lo-yang.  It  is  the  latest  portion  of 
the  work,  having  been  executed  in  the  T’ang  and 
Sung  dynasties,  and  is  the  anticlimax  to  the  nobler 
creations  of  the  earlier  periods  found  as  the  visitor 
sees  the  other  grottoes  farther  on. 

There  is  a remarkable  incised  tablet  dated  a.d. 
534 — third  year  of  Yung  Hsi — in  one  of  these 
grottoes.  It  is  leaf-shaped  and  represents  a hill- 
side with  Buddha  seated  near  the  top.  Stretching 
out  before  him  to  the  right  and  left  are  two  rows, 
each  of  four  kneeling  attendants,  back  of  whom 
is  a drooping  pine-tree.  Farther  down  the  hill 
are  three  figures  standing  under  a palm-tree, 
with  an  attendant  on  either  side.  Three  other 
attendants  stand  lower  down.  In  front  of  this 
group  are  three  vessels — a laver,  a ewer,  and  a 
water-jar.  On  either  side  are  two  other  Buddhas 
seated  with  folded  hands.  At  the  side  of  the 
one  to  the  right  is  an  attendant  and  of  the  one 
to  the  left  is  an  incense-burner  holding  a twisted 
coil  of  incense.  Below  are  three  rows  of  persons 
forming  a procession.  The  two  lower  rows  carry 
streamers.  To  the  left  and  at  the  bottom  of  the 
tablet  are  hilltops  and  trees,  so  as  to  cast  the 
view  into  perspective.  The  technique  of  this 
stone  is  perfect.  Unfortunately,  the  photographic 

[112] 


MAITREYA,  A.D.542 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


reproduction  does  it  scant  justice.  Another  figure 
in  an  adjoining  grotto  is  said  in  the  inscrip- 
tion, dated  a.d.  542,  to  be  that  of  the  Mi-leh 
Buddha,  Maitreya.  A lone  figure  is  seated  on  a 
small  couch  under  an  overspreading  tree,  with  a 
bell  swung  on  a frame  at  his  side  and  a water- 


TWO  LI-CH’ENG  TABLETS 


vase  in  front  of  him.  The  design  is  in  bold  out- 
lines, and  the  impression  which  it  creates  is  strik- 
ing. The  face  of  this  figure  closely  resembles  the 
traditional  representation  of  the  first  Chinese 
patriarch,  Bodhidharma.  He  came  to  China 
by  sea,  arriving  a.d.  520,  and  has  been  a favorite 
subject  in  Buddhistic  painting,  so  that  the  type 
of  his  features  is  well  known.  It  is  probable  that 
the  artist  who  designed  this  stone  had  seen  Bo- 
dhidharma and  was  so  impressed  by  him  that 

[114] 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


he  gave  Maitreya  the  features  of  the  living  mis- 
sionary, Bodhidharma,  just  as  the  early  Italian 
masters  transferred  the  features  of  their  con- 
temporaries to  the  prophets  and  saints  whom 
they  portrayed. 


TWO  LI-CH’ENG  TABLETS 


There  are  other  important  stones  of  this  period 
at  neighboring  places.  At  Rung  hsien,  where 
the  Lo  River  joins  the  Yellow  River,  are  grottoes 
on  a hillside  similar  to  those  of  Lung  Men.  Some 
notable  stones  are  at  Teng-feng  hsien,  Yung-yang 
hsien,  and  some  distance  eastward  at  Ch’ang-ko 
hsien.  There  are  also  four  good  stones  at  Li- 
ch’eng  hsien  on  the  eastern  border  of  Shan-si 
province.  One  of  these  represents  a funeral  pro- 
cession with  four  barbaric  figures,  having  immense 

[115] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


noses,  leading  the  way.  The  two  figures,  one  in 
front  of  the  cart  and  one  following  it,  are  of  re- 
fined Chinese  type.  The  other  three  stones  have 
figures  resembling  those  found  in  the  paintings 
of  Ku  K’ai-chih.  The  mountain  over  which 
different  types  of  animals  wander  is  exactly 
similar  to  that  found  in  Ku’s  scroll  belonging  to 
the  British  Museum.  These  Li-ch’eng  stones 
evidence  a good  quality  of  work.  They  do  not 
have  Buddhistic  motives  and  show  the  persistence 
of  orthodox  teachings,  which  did  not  hesitate, 
even  in  the  midst  of  powerful  Buddhistic  sur- 
roundings, to  assert  an  earlier  tradition. 

Stone  has  been  used  also  as  a means  of  per- 
petuating pictures  by  noted  artists.  Several 
paintings  by  Wu  Tao-tzu  have  been  cut  in  stone. 
There  is  a portrait  of  Confucius  at  Ch’ii-fu 
attributed  to  Wu  and  another  striking  picture 
representing  the  struggle  of  a tortoise  with  a 
serpent,  kuei  she  t'u,  which  is  in  the  Prefect’s 
official  residence  at  Ch’eng-tu,  Sze-ch’uan.  A 
third  beautiful  stone  is  in  the  Freer  collection 
and  has  been  exhibited  in  the  Metropolitan 
Museum,  New  York.  It  has  an  incised  picture 
on  a flat  surface  and  represents  the  Goddess  of 
Mercy  in  her  most  gracious  mood.  This  stone 
is  a good  illustration  of  the  canon  that  such 
examples  possess  three  essential  characteristics: 

[i  1 6] 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


the  stone  is  of  fine  fiber,  the  picture  is  full  of  life, 
and  the  chirography  of  the  accompanying  inscrip- 
tion is  excellent.  There  is  another  stone  at 


EIGHT  STEEDS,  BY  CHAO 
MENG-FU 


BAMBOO  LEAVES  ARRANGED 
AS  IDEOGRAPHS 


Ch’ii-fu,  which  bears  on  its  face  a picture  of 
“Eight  Steeds”  by  Chao  Meng-fu.  A stone  in 
the  Tai  Miao  at  T’ai-an  fu  uses  the  leaves  of 
two  bamboos  to  form  a picture,  while  at  the 

[i  17] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


same  time  they  are  arranged  as  ideographs  con- 
taining a poetical  effusion.  The  poem  of  four 
lines  is  given  on  the  left  side,  and  one  can  read 
it  in  the  leaves  of  the  bamboo.  The  couplet, 
“a  poem  in  a picture  and  a picture  in  a poem,” 
is  also  incised  on  the  tablet,  but  this  use  of  the 
poetical  quotation  seems  far-fetched. 


■\? 

' -;C, 

[F&Kiifc  v $ 

DECORATIVE  DESIGN  ON  TABLET,  T ANG  DYNASTY 


Only  one  other  stone  remains  to  be  mentioned. 
It  bears  no  date  and  deserves  attention  only  on 
account  of  the  strange  animal  figures  which  are 
depicted  on  it.  To  the  left  is  what  seems  to  be 
a gorilla,  in  front  of  which  is  a fish.  In  the  panel 
to  the  right  are  a deer  and  a strange  animal  walk- 
ing on  its  hind  legs.  This  animal  is  also  found  on 
a T’ang  dynasty  vase. 

The  earlier  and  nobler  sculptural  traditions  of 
China  were  carried  on  by  the  founder  of  the  Liang 
dynasty,  Wu  Ti  (a.d.  502-550),  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  his  capital,  Nanking.  Like  Hsiao  Wen 

[118] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Ti  of  the  Wei  dynasty,  he  was  a man  of  classical 
culture,  and  this  quality  of  his  character  is 
exhibited  in  the  stone  remains  of  his  reign,  which 
have  been  described  in  Varietes  sinologiques  by  Pere 
Gaillard,  whose  scholarly  work  was  brought  to  an 
untimely  end  by  his  early  death.  These  remains  at 
Kvi-yung,  Tan-t’u,  and  also  at  places  near  Purple 
Mountain,  Nanking,  show  the  last  survival  of  a 
high  artistic  spirit  devoted  to  expressing  itself 
in  stone.  The  T’ang  and  Sung  dynasties  were 
interested  in  painting  and  calligraphy,  and,  al- 
though they  produced  some  excellent  specimens, 
allowed  stone  sculpture  as  an  art  to  perish.  It 
has  never  been  revived.  It  may  be  said  that  even 
in  its  best  days  it  was  more  or  less  an  intruder  into 
art  circles;  its  real  place  was  always  secondary  to 
the  inscriptions  recording  noted  events  or  recalling 
the  lives  of  illustrious  persons. 

CERAMICS 

Ceramics  find  a more  natural  classification 
along  with  bronzes,  jades,  and  stones,  than  in  any 
other  place,  for  the  reason  that  our  earliest  known 
specimens  of  earthenware  were  associated  with 
the  ancient  ceremonies  of  the  Chinese  people. 
They  were  substituted  for  bronzes  in  early  burial 
rites,  as  they  were  easier  to  fabricate  and  less 
expensive.  In  the  use  of  the  term  “ceramics” 

[120] 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


anything  is  meant  which  belongs  to  the  fictile 
arts,  including  earthenware,  stoneware,  pottery, 
and  porcelain.  It  is  comprised  under  the  one 
Chinese  word  t'ao. 

In  the  San  Tai  period  earthenware  vessels  for 
domestic  use  were  made,  and  there  also  can  be 
little  doubt  that  all  of  the  bronze  sacrificial  vessels 
of  that  early  time  had  their  counterparts  in  clay. 
One  well-authenticated  vessel,  a ko  (this  pronun- 
ciation of  the  character  is  more  usual  than 
of  the  Chow  dynasty,  is  described  by  Laufer  in 
Chinese  Pottery  of  the  Han  Dynasty , and  it  is 
probable  that  many  other  similar  vessels  will  be 
found  as  ancient  graves  are  opened  up.  From  the 
Han  dynasty  have  been  preserved  many  examples 
of  vases,  hu;  candlesticks,  teng;  cooking  vessels, 
ton ; and  rectangular  food  vessels,  kuei , all  modeled 
after  bronze  prototypes.  Some  of  these  have 
crude  ornamentation,  in  imitation  of  the  finer 
products  of  bronze. 

Articles  produced  from  clay  have  always  suffered 
by  comparison  with  contemporary  products  in 
finer  materials.  They  were  coarse  when  placed 
alongside  of  the  beautiful  bronze  and  jade  ob- 
jects produced  in  the  San  Tai.  When  the  use  of 
glaze  and  color  produced  the  artistically  beauti- 
ful pottery  specimens  of  the  Han,  T’ang,  and  Sung 
periods,  and  later  the  wonderful  Ming  porcelains, 

[121] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


colors  had  already  been  widely  used  in  the  pro- 
duction of  paintings  on  paper  and  on  silk.  Ceram- 
ics have  always,  therefore,  been  forced  into  a 
subsidiary  place  among  art  products  by  the 

Chinese.  This  has  not 
been  true  of  the  occi- 
dental world,  which  first 
learned  of  the  art  of 
China  through  pottery 
and  porcelain.  Even 
down  to  the  present  time, 
more  attention  has  been 
given  by  western  stu- 
dents to  the  study  of 
ceramics  than  to  any 
other  branch  of  art.  The 
perfection  of  moulding, 
the  variety  of  shapes,  the 
brilliance  and  depth  of 
the  glazes,  and  the  soft 
beauty  of  the  colors 
have  been  irresistible. 
Another  reason  for  the 
especial  attention  devoted  by  westerners  to  pot- 
tery and  porcelain  is  that  this  study  can  be 
conducted  easily  along  the  lines  of  analytic  reason- 
ing familiar  to  our  western  method  of  education. 
Porcelain  and  pottery  objects  can  be  handled 

[122] 


CLAY  FIGURE  OF  A 
GENERAL 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


and  studied  in  all  their  technical  details.  This 
analytic  method  is  in  contrast  to  that  of  Chinese 
connoisseurs,  whose  minds  have  always  seemed 
uncritical  according  to  our  standards.  It  can  be 
said  of  the  Chinese,  as  Gardner  has  said  of  the 
Greeks,  that  “they  were  less  fond  of  analysis  than 
we,  and  their  art  was  less  consciously  directed  by 
purpose.”  A beautiful  pottery  water-dish  or 
porcelain  brush-holder  on  the  table  of  an  artist 
or  poet  would  be  deeply  admired  and  highly 
praised,  but  a painting  in  which  these  objects  were 
presented  or  a poem  in  honor  of  their  beauty 
would  be  to  him  an  art  of  a superior  grade.  There 
has  not  been  enough  subtlety  or  elusiveness  in 
pottery  and  porcelain  to  attract  Chinese  artistic 
fancy.  In  fact,  the  whole  trend  of  Chinese  men- 
tal evolution  has  contributed  to  the  relegation 
of  ceramics  to  a subsidiary  position  in  compari- 
son with  bronzes,  jades,  stones,  calligraphy,  and 
painting. 

This  inferiority  is  reflected  in  the  scarcity  of 
literature  in  China  concerning  the  development 
of  ceramics.  There  are  a few  notes  on  pottery 
in  Cho  Keng  Lu — “Notes  in  the  Intervals  of 
Farming” — published  in  1368,  but  these  are  frag- 
mentary. “The  Ceramic  Records  of  Ching-te 
Chen” — Ching-te  Chen  T'ao  Lu — published  in 
1815  and  partially  translated  by  Stanislas  Julien, 

[123] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


describes  the  industry  as  carried  on  at  Ching-te 
Chen.  Perhaps  the  most  valuable  part  of  this 
work  is  chapters  viii  and  ix,  which  contain  a large 
number  of  references  to  pottery  and  porcelain  from 
general  literature.  Then  there  is  the  best  book  of 
all,  T’ao  Shuo — “Description  of  Pottery” — by 
Chu  Yen,  published  in  1774  and  fully  translated 
by  Bushell  in  Chinese  Pottery  and  Porcelain. 
Chu  Yen  was  a man  of  profound  scholarship. 
He  and  Hsiang  Yiian-p’ien,  of  the  Ming  dynasty, 
stand  alone  among  the  myriad  literary  men  of 
China  as  having  given  critical  and  appreciative 
attention  to  ceramics.  No  one  has  yet  written  in 
the  Chinese  language  as  comprehensive  and  in- 
formative a book  as  Hobson’s  two  volumes  on 
Chinese  Pottery  and  Porcelain.  This  of  itself  is 
the  strongest  possible  confirmation  of  the  fact 
that  ceramics  have  attained  a higher  place  in  our 
western  world  than  has  been  conceded  this  art 
in  China. 

In  view  of  the  number  of  available  books  in  the 
English  language  on  the  subject  of  ceramics,  it 
is  unnecessary  for  me  to  discuss  the  various  wares 
and  periods  in  detail.  Pottery  succeeded  earth- 
enware and  gradually  was  supplanted  by  porcelain. 
There  is  much  doubt  as  to  the  exact  period  when 
porcelain  objects  began  to  be  produced.  The 
usual  theory  of  Chinese  writers  is  that  porcelain 

[124] 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


originated  during  the  reign  of  Shih  Tsung  (a.d. 
954-959),  of  the  Later  Chow  dynasty.  Credence 
is  added  to  this  attribution  by  a flower  vase  which 
is  on  exhibition  in  the  Government  Museum, 
Peking.  This  is  labeled  as  Ch'ai  Yao  and  has  the 
four  characters  Hsien-te  nien  chih  stamped  on  the 
bottom.  Hsien-te  is  the  title  of  the  reign  of  Shih 
Tsung.  This  vase  is  of  thick  porcelain  and  is  of 
a mottled  brownish-yellow  color.  The  glaze  is 
brilliant,  and  it  has  fine  crackle  lines.  These 
characteristics  agree  with  the  descriptions  of 
the  T'ao  Shuo  and  of  the  Ch’ing  Pi  Tsang  quoted 
by  Hobson  (Vol.  I,  p.  41)  in  all  respects,  with 
the  exception  of  the  color,  which  is  not  “ the  blue  of 
the  sky  after  rain.”  As  a matter  of  fact,  there  is 
no  reason  why  the  color  should  be  sky-blue;  for, 
in  my  opinion,  what  the  emperor  Shih  Tsung  com- 
manded to  be  produced  was  a ware  which  should 
be  as  beautiful  as  the  blue  of  the  sky  breaking 
through  the  clouds  after  rain,  but  not  necessarily 
of  that  particular  color.  This  is  the  true  mean- 
ing of  the  phrase  as  interpreted  by  the  context; 
and  judged  in  the  light  of  this  explanation  there 
is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  genuineness  of  the  attri- 
bution of  this  particular  vase  to  the  type  of  ware 
known  as  Ch'ai  Yao.  It  is,  therefore,  the  earli- 
est piece  of  porcelain  now  known  in  China.  In 
his  recent  publication  The  Beginnings  of  Porcelain 

[125] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


in  China , 1917,  Dr.  Berthold  I.aufer  has  called 
attention  to  Chinese  porcelain  of  an  earlier  date, 
found  at  Samarra,  the  former  residence  of  the 
Caliphs.  According  to  F.  Sarre,  who  carefully 


POTTERY  PILGRIM  BOTTLE.  SUNG  DYNASTY 

figures  and  describes  these  objects,  they  belong  to 
a period  which  is  well  determined  by  the  years 
838-883.  It  is  probable  that  further  investiga- 
tion will  reveal  the  knowledge  and  use  of  porce- 
lain at  a still  earlier  period. 

A complete  history  of  Chinese  ceramics  may  be 
found  in  two  books,  viz.,  Chinese  Pottery  of  the 

[126] 


MSVA  V >ri  1.10,1  ..MAI'IO 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Han  Dynasty  by  Berthold  Laufer  (Leyden:  E.  J. 
Brill,  Ltd.)  and  Chinese  Pottery  and  Porcelain , 
in  two  volumes,  by  R.  L.  Hobson  (London: 
Cassell).  'This  may  be  supplemented  by  reference 
to  the  illustrations  found  in  Chinese  Porcelain  and 
Hard  Stones  by  Gorer  and  Blacker,  Catalogue  of 
the  Morgan  Collection  of  Chinese  Porcelains  by 
Bushell  and  Laffan,  Chinese  Pottery  of  the  Han, 
T'ang,  and  Sung  Dynasties  by  Parish  Watson,  and 
the  catalogue  of  Chinese  Pottery  published  by 
the  Metropolitan  Museum,  New  York.  Splendid 
collections  both  of  pottery  and  of  porcelain  may 
also  be  seen  in  various  museums. 

A few  illustrations  are  given  of  recent  finds, 
some  of  which  are  types  that  are  brought  to  public 
notice  for  the  first  time.  One  is  a pilgrim  bottle 
modeled  after  a bronze  type  of  the  Han  dynasty. 
It  has  a flattened  body  with  loops  on  the  periph- 
ery. The  decoration  is  the  same  as  that  on  a jar 
in  the  Rothenstein  Collection,  illustrated  in  Hob- 
son’s Chinese  Pottery  and  Porcelain , fig.  4,  plate  30. 
It  is  Tz’u-chou  ware  of  the  Sung  dynasty.  An- 
other unusual  example  is  that  of  a vase  which  is 
correctly  called  “olive”  vase,  kan-lan  p'ing , and 
differs  in  line  from  a mei p'ing , such  as  is  illustrated 
by  Hobson  in  fig.  1,  plate  79.  It  is  a T’ang  dynasty 
vase  and  was  used  on  a temple  altar  as  a recep- 
tacle for  incense-sticks  after  the  fragrant  dust 

[12B] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


had  burned  off  in  the  central  incense-burner. 
Two  sides  are  illustrated:  one  is  the  figure  of 
an  abbot,  and  the  other  is  a strange,  hideous  beast 
walking  on  its  hind  legs.  This  beast  resembles  a 
figure  on  stone  to  which  attention  has  been  called 
on  page  1 1 8.  I am  inclined  to  think  that  the 
creature  is  the  fabulous  beast  suanyi , said  to  be  the 
eighth  among  the  nine  offspring  of  the  dragon. 
It  is  also  described  as  a wild  horse,  able  to  travel 
five  hundred  li  in  a day.  It  is  fond  of  smoke  and 
fire  and  hence  is  appropriate  as  a figure  placed 
on  incense-burners  or  receptacles.  The  space 
intervening  between  the  figures  is  decorated  with 
graceful  bamboos.  A third  object  is  a receptacle 
for  the  ashes  of  a priest  after  cremation.  It  is 
called  hart,  an  envelope.  The  lid  is  hill-shaped,  po 
shan.  On  one  face  is  a panel,  in  which  the  names 
of  the  temple  and  the  priest  are  given,  but  I have 
not  been  able  to  identify  them  as  yet,  for  the  reason 
that  the  names  of  early  temples  have  been  fre- 
quently changed.  The  fourth  specimen  is  a jar  on 
three  feet.  It  has  eight  semi-circular  panels.  The 
decoration  is  in  imitation  of  the  skin  of  a winter 
squash,  and  the  color  is  that  of  a ripe  squash.  The 
cover  has  a triangular  knob  corresponding  to  the 
three  feet.  The  inside  of  this  jar  is  unglazed. 

Whatever  may  be  the  position  to  which  China 
has  relegated  pottery  and  porcelain,  they  will 


1 132] 


PORCELAIN  VASE  DECORATED  FOR  IMPERIAL  USE.  BY 
KU  YUEH-HSIEN 


STONES  AND  CERAMICS 


always  remain  for  the  occidental  the  most  favorite 
field  of  Chinese  art.  The  richness  of  colors  found 
in  the  Chun  Yao,  the  purity  of  the  Ting  Yao,  with 
its  graceful  incised  decorations,  the  charm  of  the 
pale  green  of  the  Lung-cK iian  Yao — these  show 
an  appreciation  of  color  combined  with  skilful 
modeling  which  has  never  been  equaled  in  pottery 
by  any  other  nation.  The  black-grounds,  green- 
grounds,  and  yellow-grounds  of  porcelain,  together 
with  the  apple-greens, peach-blooms, clair-de-lunes, 
sang-de-boeufs,  and  pure  whites,  are  a splendid 
exhibition  of  high  artistic  spirit. 


IV 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 

The  common  origin  of  writing  and  drawing, 
which  developed  into  painting,  is  generally 
acknowledged  by  Chinese  authorities.  The 
attempt  to  trace  designs  of  visible  objects  was 
accompanied  by  the  effort  to  record  and  per- 
petuate mental  ideas.  The  legendary  origin  of 
writing  and  drawing  assigns  them  both  to  minis- 
ters of  the  Yellow  Emperor,  Huang  Ti  (b.c.  2600). 
Ts’ang  Ch’ieh  is  given  the  credit  for  the  invention 
of  writing  and  Shi  Huang  for  that  of  drawing, 
though  some  authorities  join  these  two  names  as 
belonging  to  one  individual.  These  ascriptions 
must  not  be  taken  as  historically  correct;  it  is 
only  one  of  the  many  legends  or  oral  traditions 
which  are  narrated  by  the  earliest  Chinese  his- 
torians to  account  for  such  civilization  as  they 
found  already  flourishing.  The  most  important 
part  of  the  legend  is  the  fact  of  the  union  of  these 
two  arts,  writing  and  drawing,  from  the  very 
beginning  of  tradition  and  history  in  China.  They 
are  but  two  parts  of  a harmonious  whole.  Images 
and  ideas  must  have  drawings  and  symbols,  in 
order  to  be  communicated  from  man  to  man  and 

[134] 


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COLOPHON  Ol  Tllli  “HVB  VKNKRABLK  MKN,”  YVIJ  LAO  T’U 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


from  generation  to  generation,  when  the  object 
cannot  be  seen  nor  the  human  voice  heard.  The 
union  of  these  two  subjects  is  a natural  one  and 
is  obvious  in  the  later  development  of  ideographs 
and  paintings.  The  union  became  more  intimate 
after  the  introduction  of  the  writing-brush  and 
ink.  From  that  time  onward,  the  calligraphist 
and  the  painter  used  the  same  brush  and  ink  for 
their  two  classes  of  work.  The  classes  were 
grouped  together  after  the  death  of  artists  and 
calligraphists  as  “ink  remains,”  mo  yuan. 

This  essential  union  of  writing  and  painting, 
shu  } ma , has  been  responsible  for  the  continuous 
purpose  in  China  of  using  ideographs  to  express 
ideas  not  only  accurately  but  also  artistically. 
This  remarkable  fact  has  been  true  of  writing  from 
its  origin  down  to  the  present  time,  and  in  this 
respect  Chinese  writing  is  unique  among  the 
written  languages  of  the  world.  When  writing 
was  done  with  a stylus  upon  bamboo  pulp,  the 
beautiful  ideographs  were  similar  to  designs. 
They  were,  in  fact,  suggestive  designs — as  may  be 
seen  from  the  characters  representing  a deer,  pig, 
or  dragon,  as  found  on  bronzes  of  the  Shang 
dynasty.  The  introduction  of  the  writing-brush, 
during  the  Ts’in  dynasty,  is  usually  ascribed  to 
Meng  T’ien  (died  b.c.  209),  who  was  a general  ot 
the  First  Emperor,  Shih  Huang,  and  in  charge 

U36] 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


of  the  building  of  the  Great  Wall.  This  made 
painting  possible,  while  at  the  same  time  it  en- 
abled writers  to  shape  ideographs  with  precise 
regard  for  thin  and  thick  shadings.  The  exact 
use  of  the  correct  amount  of  “strength”  in  the 
plying  of  the  brush  involved  most  careful  discipline 
and  constant  practice.  One  of  the  great  early 
calligraphists,  Tsai  Yung  (a.d.  133-192),  has 
left  a series  of  nine  rules  for  the  use  of  the  brush. 
These  rules  are  known  as  the  “nine  influences,” 
chin  shih,  and  represent  in  writing  what  the 
six  canons  of  Hsieh  Ho  do  in  painting.  The  mas- 
tery of  the  brush  is  the  first  requisite  of  writers 
or  painters,  and  their  work  is  always  judged  by  the 
quality  of  the  brush  strokes. 

In  chronological  order,  it  is  usual  to  divide 
Chinese  writing  into  four  periods.  The  first  is 
that  of  ideographs  on  early  bronze  vessels,  and 
such  writing  is  known  as  chung  ting  tzu.  The 
second  is  that  of  seal  characters,  chuan  shu.  This 
period  is  subdivided  into  that  of  the  “greater 
seal,”  ta  chuan , said  to  have  been  introduced  by 
Shih  Chou  about  b.c.  800,  and  the  “lesser  seal,” 
hsiao  chuan , introduced  by  Li  Ssu  (died  b.c.  208), 
a minister  of  the  First  Emperor.  The  third 
period  is  that  of  official  writing,  li  shu,  by  which  is 
meant  an  established  style  in  which  the  exact 
number  of  strokes  has  been  definitely  fixed  and 

[J37] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


is  strictly  adhered  to.  It  might  be  described  as 
the  period  when  a fixed  “spelling”  of  the  char- 
acters became  recognized  and  when  freedom  of 
individual  writers  in  the  use  of  fewer  or  more 
strokes  in  writing  an  ideograph  ceased.  The 
last  period  is  that  of  the  k'ai  shu>  model  style, 
introduced  by  Wang  Hsi-chih  (a.d.  321-379)  and 
in  continuous  use  down  to  the  present  time. 

A more  detailed  division  of  the  period  of  devel- 
opment is  that  adopted  by  Chang  Huai-kuan,  of 
the  T’ang  dynasty,  one  of  the  foremost  authorities 
on  calligraphy,  who  indicates  the  periods  by  his 
classification  under  ten  different  styles  of  writing: 
(1)  Ku  wen , ancient  writing  as  introduced  in 
legendary  times  by  Ts’ang  Ch’ieh;  (2)  greater 
seal,  ta  chuan , invented  by  Shih  Chou  and  resem- 
bling designs;  (3)  Chou  wen,  writing  as  developed 
by  Shih  Chou,  without  reference  to  designs; 
(4)  lesser  seal,  hsiao  chuan , as  used  by  Li  Ssu  in 
the  third  century  b.c.;  (5)  Pa  Jen  style,  which 
literally  means  an  eighty  per  cent  style — referring 
to  the  work  of  Wang  Tz’u-chung,  of  the  Ts’in 
dynasty,  who  contracted  the  style  of  the  “lesser 
seal”  of  Li  Ssu  by  a subtraction  of  twenty  per 
cent  (hence  the  name  Pa  fen  shu , “eighty  per 
cent  style  of  writing”)  ; (6)  Li  shu,  official  writing, 
invented  by  Ch’eng  Miao,  third  century  b.c.,  of 
the  Ts’in  dynasty;  (7)  Chang  ts'ao  style,  which 

[138] 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


means  characters  hastily  written,  though  fashioned 
after  a good  model;  (8)  Hsing  shu,  or  running 
style;  (9)  Fei  pai  style,  by  which  is  meant  char- 
acters written  so  that  the  hairs  of  the  brush  sepa- 
rate, leaving  blank  spots  not  covered  with  ink 
(this  is  a style  used  both  by  Ch’en  Liu  and  Ts’ai 
Yung,  of  the  Han  dynasty);  (10)  Ts'ao  shu,  which 
are  frequently  spoken  of  as  “grass”  characters 
but  which  really  mean  the  hastily  written  charac- 
ters found  in  the  draft  copy  of  an  official  document 
before  it  is  written  in  fair  hand.  This  detailed 
sketch  of  the  growth  of  writing  is  sufficient  to 
give  a clear  idea  of  the  approximate  dates  at 
which  changes  were  made. 

In  modern  writing,  as  distinguished  from  the 
early  styles  of  chuan  and  li,  there  are  three  recog- 
nized modes  of  writing,  viz.,  chen  or  regular, 
hsingox  running,  and  ts'ao  or  draft.  In  the  regular 
mode  the  character  is  written  with  precision,  so 
that  every  stroke  may  be  readily  distinguished. 
In  the  running  mode  the  general  outline  of  the 
character  is  observable,  but  the  strokes  frequently 
are  abbreviated  or  combined.  The  draft  method 
allows  each  writer  to  be  more  or  less  of  a law  to 
himself.  It  is  in  reality  a system  of  shorthand 
without  any  definite  rules.  In  each  of  these  three 
methods  the  brush  may  be  handled  with  equal 
dexterity.  Some  writers  who  have  not  excelled 

[J39] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


in  writing  regular  characters  have  become  models 
in  the  running  or  the  draft  mode,  the  excellence  of 
style  depending  solely  upon  the  strength  or 
weakness  of  control  of  the  brush  shown  bv  the 
writer. 

In  a long  list  of  calligraphists  of  the  times  previ- 
ous to  the  fifth  century  a.d.,  three  names  stand 
out  conspicuously,  viz.,  those  of  Chang  Chih, 
Chung  Yu,  and  Wang  Hsi-chih.  The  first,  Chang 
Chih,  of  the  Later  Han  dynasty,  first  century  a.d., 
is  spoken  of  as  the  Perfect  Writer  of  Draft  Char- 
acters, ts’ao  sheng.  He  is  reputed  to  have  been 
fond  of  sitting  at  the  side  of  a pond  while  writing, 
but  he  dipped  his  ink  brush  so  frequently  and 
constantly  that  the  water  turned  black.  Chung 
Yu,  who  died  a.d.  230,  belonged  to  the  Wei 
dynasty.  He  and  Hu  Chao  studied  together  the 
style  of  Liu  Te-shen,  but  Chung  was  the  more 
apt  pupil.  The  two  are  compared  as  “the  fat  Hu 
and  the  lean  Chung” — referring  to  the  thick, 
inky  strokes  of  Hu  and  the  thin,  nervous,  strong 
strokes  of  Chung.  The  third  celebrity  is  Wang 
Hsi-chih  (a.d.  321-379),  of  the  Tsin  dynasty,  and 
he  is  universally  acknowledged  as  the  chief  among 
the  writers  of  all  ages  in  China.  The  power  of  his 
strokes  is  described  as  having  been  as  light  as 
fleeting  clouds  and  as  forceful  as  a startled  snake. 
He  rose  in  official  ranks  to  the  grade  of  a general, 

[140] 


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ANNOTATION  OF  WENG  FANG-KANG 

[Hi] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


and  is  usually  referred  to  as  Major-General  Wang, 
Wang  Yu-chiin,  while  Wang  Wei,  the  painter,  is 
spoken  of  as  Vice-Minister  Wang, Wang  Yu-ch’eng. 
His  son,  Wang  Hsien-chih  (a.d.  344-388),  is  almost 
as  famous  as  his  father  and  barely  misses  being 
classed  among  the  greatest.  Some  recognized  au- 
thorities, such  as  Chang  Huai-kuan,  even  place 
him  in  this  high  position. 

Of  these  three  great  calligraphists,  Chang  Chih 
has  nothing  which  has  been  handed  down.  Chung 
Yu  has  one  famous  script,  t'ieh>  known  as  the  Chi 
Chih  Piao , which  belonged  to  the  collection  of 
writings  made  by  the  late  Sheng  Hsiian-huai.  It 
is  dated  the  eighth  month  of  the  second  year  of 
Huang-ch’u  (a.d.  221),  the  first  emperor  of  the 
Wei  dynasty.  It  is  about  one  foot  long  and  three 
inches  wide  and  is  written  in  nineteen  lines  upon 
strong,  white  paper.  The  oldest  seal  on  this 
script  is  that  of  T’ai  Tsung  (a.d.  627-650),  first 
emperor  of  the  T’ang  dynasty,  but  it  is  four 
hundred  years  later  than  the  time  when  Chung 
lived.  This  seal  may  also  be  found  on  the  Ku 
K’ai-chih  scroll  in  the  Metropolitan  Museum. 
The  next  seals  are  those  of  Shun-hua  (a.d.  990- 
995)  and  Hsiian-ho  (a.d.  1 119-1126).  There  are 
many  colophons  by  later  owners  and  persons  who 
had  seen  the  script,  all  testifying  to  its  genuineness. 
None  of  these  is  conclusive  evidence  of  its  being  a 

[142] 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


genuine  script  of  Chung  Yu,  though  we  know  that 
the  emperor  T’ai  Tsung  was  at  great  pains  to 
gather  early  scripts  by  the  great  masters. 

As  to  Wang  Hsi-chih — there  are  several  ex- 
amples of  his  script  of  which  claims  of  authenticity 
are  advanced,  but  in  general  it  may  be  said  that 
none  of  the  script  of  writers  earlier  than  the  T’ang 
dynasty  survived  that  period.  The  emperor 
T’ai  Tsung  in  his  search  for  early  manuscripts 
discovered  one  by  Wang  Hsi-chih  called  the  Lan 
T’ing,  or  the  “Orchid  Pavilion,”  and  obtained 
possession  of  it  from  a descendant  of  Wang  in  the 
seventh  generation.  He  had  facsimiles  made  of 
it  and  distributed  these  to  his  sons  and  favorite 
statesmen.  He  also  had  it  engraved  in  stone,  and 
these  stone  tablets  were  often  copied  later.  The 
original  stone  passed  through  many  vicissitudes 
during  the  troublous  times  at  the  close  of  the 
T’ang  dynasty,  but  it  finally  found  a resting-place 
at  Ting-chow,  Chih-li  province.  Later  the  name 
of  this  place  was  changed  to  Ting  Wu,  the  “Mili- 
tary Ting,”  on  account  of  the  levies  which  it 
supplied  to  aid  the  cause  of  the  founders  of  the 
Sung  dynasty.  The  stone  was  in  such  a dilapi- 
dated condition  that  the  emperor  Hui  Tsung  in  a.d. 
i i 19-1126  decided  to  have  a new  stone  engraved 
with  the  original  inscription.  This  stone  took 
its  name  from  the  changed  name  of  the  place  where 

[143] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


the  original  was  located  and  is  called  Ting  JVu 
Lan  T'ingy  or  the  “Orchid  Pavilion  of  Ting  Wu.” 
This  name  serves  to  distinguish  the  recut  stone  of 
the  Hsiian-ho  period  from  the  original  engraved 
one  of  the  emperor  T’ai  Tsung. 

This  Lan  T’ing  script  of  Wang  Hsi-chih  is 
easily  the  most  famous  writing  that  has  ever 
appeared  in  China.  It  is  referred  to  in  poetry 
and  praised  in  literature.  It  has  been  the  in- 
spiration of  all  succeeding  writers,  who  have 
striven  in  vain  to  equal  it.  Other  scripts  claim- 
ing to  be  the  work  of  Wang  are  highly  prized. 
Four  of  these  were  in  the  collection  of  An  I-chou, 
during  the  reign  of  Ch’ien  Lung.  I have  seen 
also  the  Chia  Hsing  script,  which  is  mentioned 
in  the  Hsuan  Ho  Shu  P'u  as  having  belonged  to 
the  emperor  Hui  Tsung  (a.d.  i ioi-i  i 2;).  In  my 
opinion,  this  example,  like  all  the  other  existing 
specimens,  is  properly  designated  as  a T’ang 
copy.  It  is  on  powder-waxed  paper  and  should 
be  described  as  T'ang  Mo  l fang  Tzu  Fen  Lah  Chih 
T'a  Petiy  i.e.,  a facsimile  of  the  script  of  Wang 
Hsi-chih  written  during  the  T’ang  dynasty  on 
powder-waxed  paper.  This  Chia  Hsing  script 
was  formerly  in  the  collection  of  the  noted  littera- 
teur of  Canton,  Liang  Tsiao-ling.  It  bears  the 
seals  of  the  emperor  Hui  Tsung  (a.d.  i 119-1126), 
of  Mi  Fei  (a.d.  1051-1107),  and  of  Chia  Ssu-tao 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


(died  a.d.  1276).  It  also  has  one  of  the  most 
important  testimonies  in  the  ink  stamp  of  Pi 
Ta-ning,  one  of  the  two  commissioners  appointed 
to  gather  up  the  dispersed  paintings  and  scripts 
which  were  lost  when  the  Sung  fled  southward 


T’AN'G  DYNASTY  REPRODUCTION  OF  CHIA  HSING  SCRIPT 
’OF  WANG  HSI-CHIH,  FOURTH  CENTURY 


to  establish  their  capital  at  Hang-chow.  It  is  a 
splendid  example  of  the  earliest  writing  on  paper 
in  China,  but  it  must  justly  be  assigned  to  the 
T’ang  dynasty  and  classed  as  a reproduction 
rather  than  as  an  original  script  of  Wang  Hsi-chih. 
Other  famous  scripts  attributed  to  Wang  Hsi-chih 
are  the  Yuan  Seng  and  his  copy  of  a thousand 
characters  from  the  script  of  Chung  Yu.  These 

[145] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


also  must  be  classed  as  T’ang  dynasty  reproduc- 
tions. 

This  practice  of  copying  a thousand  characters 
from  an  earlier  master  has  been  common  to  all 
periods  of  Chinese  writing.  Following  Wang’s 
example  in  copying  a thousand  characters  of 
Chung’s  script,  the  emperor  Wu  Ti  (a.d.  502-550) 
ordered  to  be  compiled  a thousand  characters 
from  Wang  Hsi-chih.  A dismissed  officer  of 
this  emperor,  whose  name  was  Chou  Hsing-ssu, 
arranged  one  thousand  characters  in  good  literary 
form.  This  “Thousand  Character  Essay,”  Ch'ien 
Tzu  IVen , has  been  copied  by  masters  and  students 
from  that  time  onward.  It  figures  in  the  list  of 
scripts  more  frequently  than  any  subject  other 
than  the  “Orchid  Pavilion.”  It  was  also  used  as 
a child’s  primer  in  all  the  schools  of  China  until 
recent  years,  when  modern  readers  were  intro- 
duced. 

The  T’ang  dynasty  was  responsible  for  the  crea- 
tion of  a widespread  passion  among  literary  men 
for  excellence  in  calligraphy.  It  was  due  to  the 
patronage  of  the  emperor  T’ai  Tsung  (a.d.  627- 
650),  whose  reigning  title  was  Cheng-kuan  (see 
p.  1 43),  and  Hsiian  Tsung  (a.d.  713-756)  that 
the  writings  of  Chung  Yu,  Wang  Hsi-chih,  and 
Wang  Hsien-chih  were  copied,  distributed  among 
literary  men,  and  cut  into  stone  so  as  to  be  pre- 

[146] 


COLOPHON  OF  SU  SHIH  ON  THE  LEFT 
COLOPHON  OF  SU  CH’E  ON  THE  RIGHT 


COLOPHON  OF  LI  HUNG-FU  ON  THE  LEFT 
COLOPHON  OF  WANG  TSIN-CH’ING  ON  THE  RIGHT 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


served.  And  yet  this  dynasty  produced  no  great 
master  in  chirography.  Ou-yang  Hsiin  (a.d. 
557-645)  is  usually  classed  as  belonging  to  the 
T’ang  dynasty,  in  accordance  with  the  custom  in 
Chinese  literature  of  assigning  an  individual  to 
the  dynasty  in  which  he  dies,  but  he  was  in  reality 
a product  of  the  Sui  dynasty.  His  son,  Ou-yang 
T’ung,  is  reputed  also  to  have  been  a famous 
calligraphist,  but  none  of  his  work  survived  for 
any  length  of  time.  There  were  also  Yen  Chen- 
ch’ing  (a.d.  709-785),  whose  Ping-chow  t’ieh  and 
Hu-chow  t'ieh  were  still  in  existence  during  the 
reign  of  Ch’ien  Lung,  and  Liu  Kung-ch’uan,  whose 
scripts  of  the  Tu-jen  classic  (“Pilgrim’s  Prog- 
ress” ?)  and  the  Li  Sao — “Falling  into  Trouble” — 
written  by  Ch’ii  Yuan  (b.c.  332-295),  are  famous; 
but  neither  Yen  nor  Liu  can  be  classed  as  a great 
master. 

It  was  left  to  the  less  peaceful  times  of  the 
Sung  dynasty  to  furnish  two  of  China’s  greatest 
writers,  and  these  were  contemporaries.  They 
were  Su  Shih  (a.d.  1036-1101)  and  Mi  Fei  (a.d. 
1051-1107).  Su  Shih  is  more  frequently  alluded 
to  in  literature  by  his  fancy  name  Su  Tung-p’o, 
“ Su  of  the  eastern  slope.”  He  was  a most  remark- 
able man.  He  held  official  positions  but  found  it 
difficult  to  retain  them  on  account  of  the  independ- 
ence of  his  character  and  the  vitriol  of  his  pen. 

[148] 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


LOH  HSIONG  SCRIPT  OF  MI  FEI 


He  was  twice  banished  for  insubordination.  He 
was  a famous  poet  and  essay  writer,  a painter,  and 
a wonderful  calligraphist.  His  “Lotus  Classic,” 
Lien  Hua  Ching , and  his  “Thousand  Character 
Classic”  are  the  best  specimens  of  his  work,  but 
there  are  several  others  of  his  scripts  in  existence 

[149] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


at  the  present  time.  One  of  these  is  attached  to 
the  famous  painting  “ Reading,”  K’ an-shu  t' u> 
by  Wang  Tsi-han.  The  chief  characteristics  of 
his  style  are  finish  and  elegance  combined  with 
strength  of  brush  strokes.  His  brother  Su  Ch’e 
(a.d.  1039-1112)  was  a great  calligraphist,  as 
was  also  his  brother-in-law,  Wang  Tsin-ch’ing, 
but  neither  of  these  approached  the  master, 
Su  Shih. 

The  other  illustrious  name  is  that  of  Mi  Fei, 
official,  artist,  and  calligraphist.  He  had  a very 
eccentric  character,  which  interfered  with  his 
career  as  an  official  and  seemed  to  prevent  his 
acquisition  of  a high  literary  style;  but  as  artist 
and  writer  he  excelled.  He  could  pile  ink  upon 
ink  with  strong,  nervous  strokes  and  preferred 
to  use  paper  rather  than  silk,  on  account  of  it 
absorbing  ink  readily  without  danger  of  spreading. 
He  is  held  in  the  highest  honor  as  a calligraphist, 
and  specimens  of  his  script  are  among  the  greatest 
art  treasures  of  China.  He  usually  signed  his 
pictures,  and  these  exhibit  a bold,  strong  type 
of  writing  in  which  thick  ink  is  generously  used. 
He  was  a prolific  writer.  The  collection  of  An 
I-chou  lists  twenty-eight  specimens  of  his  scripts, 
and  there  are  several  in  the  Government  Museum, 
Peking.  The  Sung  dynasty  had  a larger  number 
of  good  calligraphists  than  any  other  period,  but 

[i5°] 


COLOPHON  OF  CHAO  MENG-FU 

[151] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


their  excellence  is  eclipsed  by  the  splendor  of  the 
names  of  Su  and  Mi. 

Chao  Meng-fu  (a.d.  1254-1322)  is  a name 
scarcely  less  brilliant  than  those  of  the  two  masters 
of  the  Sung  dynasty.  Chao  was  a scion  of  the 
Imperial  House  of  Sung,  who  retired  to  private 
life  on  the  advent  of  the  Mongol  dynasty,  in  1280, 
but  was  later  recalled  to  office  and  came  to  a high 
position  in  the  Academy.  He  was  distinguished 
as  a painter,  in  which  field  he  shared  honors  with 
his  wife,  Kuan  Fu-jen,  but  his  fame  rests  chiefly 
upon  his  eminence  as  a calligraphist.  He  com- 
bined the  freedom  of  Mi’s  script  with  the  elegance 
of  Su’s.  His  draft  characters,  such  as  are  found 
in  his  copy  of  the  “Thousand  Character  Classic,” 
are  as  perfect  as  those  of  his  regular  mode  in  his 
Tao  Te  Ching.  He  wrote  long  notes  on  his  own 
paintings,  which  are  usually  signed  with  the  three 
characters  Tzu-ang  hua — “painted  by  Tzu-ang,” 
which  is  his  fancy  name.  He  also  signed  Sung- 
hsiieh  pi — “the  brush  of  Sung-hsiieh” — after  the 
style  of  the  artists  of  the  T’ang  dynasty.  Sung- 
hsiieh  means  “pine  and  snow”  and  was  Chao’s 
nom  de  plume.  These  signatures,  when  genuine, 
are  in  the  most  perfect  style  and  can  be  readily 
distinguished  from  the  myriad  forgeries  which 
have  been  made  of  his  writing.  No  calligraphist, 
and  indeed  no  painter,  has  been  more  studied, 

[i52] 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


imitated,  and  forged  than  Chao  Meng-fu.  This  is 
the  highest  tribute  to  his  excellence,  while  at  the 
same  time  it  is  the  greatest  danger  to  the  careless 
student  or  collector  who  wishes  to  obtain  authentic 
specimens  of  his  work. 


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Another  master  is  found  in  the  Ming  dynasty 
— Tung  Ch’i-ch’ang  (a.d.  1555-1636).  A stu- 
dent of  antiquity,  a high  official,  a good  artist, 
Tung’s  reputation  like  that  of  Chao  rests  chiefly 
upon  his  calligraphy.  He  made  copies  of  the 
scripts  of  Chung  and  Wang,  of  Su,  Mi,  and 
Chao,  but  imparted  to  these  his  own  personality. 
His  work  is  so  recent  in  comparison  with  his 

[153] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


illustrious  predecessors  that  specimens  of  it  are 
more  frequently  found.  He  could  write  equally 
well  in  any  of  the  three  modes — regular,  running, 
or  draft.  He  was  a close  friend  of  the  leading  liter- 
ary men  of  his  time,  many  of  whom  made  large 
and  important  collections  of  early  paintings.  To 
these  Tung  frequently  attached  colophons  which 
have  become  famous,  not  only  for  their  sound 
criticisms  of  art,  but  also  for  their  beautiful  style 
of  writing. 

These  masters  who  have  been  mentioned  have 
all  given  their  names  to  styles  of  writing  which 
are  now  studied  and  followed.  Students  attempt 
to  write  Mi  Tzii,  or  Chao  Tzii,  or  Tung  Tzii,  as 
their  inclinations  lead  them.  This  means  that 
their  style  is  patterned  after  the  model  of  Mi  Fei, 
or  Su  Shih,  or  Chao  Meng-fu,  or  Tung  Ch’i-ch’ang. 
These  men  thus  live  again  in  the  daily  lives  of 
thousands  of  students  and  furnish  not  only  the 
first  inspiration  to  artistic  appreciation  but  also 
the  most  enduring.  Other  art  stimulus,  coming 
from  bronzes,  tablets,  jades,  or  paintings,  has 
inspired  the  few  who  have  had  access  to  the 
collections  where  they  have  been  preserved;  but 
the  reproductions  of  the  script  of  these  masters, 
used  as  copy-books  for  pupils,  have  reached  every 
hamlet  of  the  country  and  have  carried  into  the 
meanest  surroundings  the  inspiration  of  a high 

[154] 


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[155] 


TWO  EXAMPLES  OF  “REGULAR”  WRITING 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


artistic  spirit.  However  lacking  in  appreciation 
of  the  delicate  intricacies  of  calligraphy  we 
westerners  may  be,  it  is  well  for  us  to  remember 
not  only  that  this  branch  of  art  is  more  highly 
honored  in  China  than  any  other,  but  that  its 
influence  has  been  more  widespread.  A great 
idea  well  expressed  is  most  valuable  to  the  world, 
but  in  China  its  influence  is  enormously  increased 
when  it  is  transmitted  to  others  by  means  of  artis- 
tically written  characters.  Thus  calligraphy,  by 
the  wide  influence  which  it  exerts,  justifies  for 
itself  its  rank  as  the  crown  of  art  in  China. 

The  literature  of  writings  and  paintings  is  volu- 
minous, and  by  many  authors  the  two  are  treated 
together  as  parts  of  one  subject.  The  references 
of  the  very  early  writers  are  quoted  and  dis- 
cussed in  later  publications,  so  that  it  is  unneces- 
sary in  this  outline  even  to  mention  the  names  of 
these  men  and  their  books,  of  which  in  many 
instances  no  copies  can  be  found.  It  is  sufficient 
to  say  that  there  is  no  phase  of  the  subject  which 
has  not  been  investigated  and  discussed.  One 
of  the  books  most  frequently  quoted  by  western 
writers  is  the  “ Collection  of  Paintings  in  the  Hsiian 
Ho  Palace” — Hsiian  Ho  Hua  P'u — of  which  the 
counterpart  is  the  “Collection  of  Writings  in  the 
Hsiian  Ho  Palace” — Hsiian  Ho  Shu  P'u.  It  is 
possible  that  the  “Collection  of  Paintings”  was 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


prepared  by  some  unknown  author  in  the  Southern 
Sung  period,  who  attached  to  it  the  forged  intro- 
duction by  the  emperor  Hui  Tsung,  but  it  is  more 
probable  that  it  was  compiled  from  the  records 
of  the  Imperial  Household  of  the  Yuan  dynasty, 
as  was  the  “Collection  of  Writings.” 

After  the  abandonment  of  K’ai-feng  by  the  Sung 
dynasty,  the  art  treasures  of  the  emperor  Hui 
Tsung,  which  were  stored  in  the  Hsiian  Ho  Palace, 
were  scattered  or  seized  by  the  conquering  Nu- 
chen  Tartars,  who  carried  them  away  to  their 
capital  city.  When  this  dynasty  was  overthrown 
by  the  Mongols,  the  treasures  which  had  been 
captured  from  K’ai-feng  passed  into  the  possession 
of  the  founders  of  the  Yuan  dynasty,  together 
with  other  art  possessions  seized  from  the  hands 
of  the  governing  families.  According  to  Luh 
Hsin-yiian,  in  his  I Ku  T'ang  T'i-pa — “Annota- 
tions of  I Ku  T’ang” — Wu  Wen-kuei  in  1302  made 
a collection  of  writings,  from  the  Ts’in  dynasty 
to  the  Sung,  which  belonged  to  the  Hsiian  Ho 
Palace.  This  important  fact  is  contained  in  a 
quotation  from  Cheng  Piao  in  Volume  III  of  Yen 
Chi  (“Glosses”)  and  is  sufficient  evidence  to  prove 
that  the  “Collection  of  Writings”  should  not  be 
ascribed,  as  is  usually  done,  to  Ts’ai  Ching  and 
Mi  Fei,  but  that  it  was  prepared  at  the  beginning 
of  the  fourteenth  century.  It  is  also  probably 

[157] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


true  that  the  “Collection  of  Paintings”  was  pro- 
duced about  the  same  time.  This  theory  is  cor- 
roborated by  the  fact  that  neither  of  these  two 
books  is  referred  to  in  the  list  of  early  publica- 
tions prepared  by  Ch’en  Chi-chai.  It  also  explains 
the  records  of  the  Ming  dynasty  collection, 
where  paintings  and  manuscripts  mentioned  in 
the  “Collections”  as  belonging  to  the  Hsiian  Ho 
Palace  bear  no  seals  of  the  emperor  Hui  Tsung, 
while  others  bearing  undoubtedly  genuine  im- 
pressions of  these  seals  are  not  mentioned  in  the 
“ Collections.” 

The  most  complete  thesaurus  of  writings  and 
paintings  down  to  the  close  of  the  Ming  dynasty 
was  prepared  under  the  orders  of  the  emperor 
K’ang  Hsi  and  published  in  1708.  It  is  the  P'ei 
IVen  Chai  Shu  Hua  P'u — “Cyclopedia  of  the 
Writings  and  Paintings  of  the  P’ei  Wen  Library.” 
This  scholarly  work  classifies  and  describes  writ- 
ings and  paintings — the  various  styles  and  schools 
— gives  biographies  of  celebrated  artists  and  callig- 
raphists,  discusses  the  inscriptions  and  decora- 
tions on  bronze  and  stone  monuments,  quotes  the 
annotations  which  have  been  made  by  famous 
authors,  and  gives  the  lists  of  paintings  and 
writings  in  noted  collections  in  past  times.  The 
difficulty  in  using  this  valuable  work  is  that  there 
is  nothing  to  guide  one  as  to  the  relative  impor- 

[158] 


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Ei59l 


TWO  EXAMPLES  OF  “RUNNING”  WRITING 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


tance  of  the  quotations  which  are  so  copiously 
recorded.  Varying  opinions  are  given  equal 
prominence.  It  is,  in  fact,  a detailed  record  of 
what  others  have  written  of  manuscripts  and 
pictures  and  not  a critical  discussion  of  them. 

The  “Ch’ing  Ho  Collection  of  Writings  and 
Paintings”— Ch'ing-ho  Shu  Hua  Fang — was  writ- 
ten during  the  Ming  dynasty,  in  1 6 1 6,  by  Chang 
Ch’ou.  It  is  the  most  critical  work  which  had 
been  written  up  to  that  time,  and  it  was  published 
during  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Ch’ien  Lung  as 
an  authority  on  these  two  subjects.  It  describes 
the  size  of  scripts  and  paintings,  sketches  the 
biography  of  artists,  quotes  annotations,  discusses 
the  value  of  the  opinions  expressed,  mentions 
and  describes  seals  that  have  been  impressed,  and, 
as  far  as  possible,  gives  a list  of  those  in  whose 
possession  the  object  may  have  been.  The  opin- 
ions of  this  valuable  book  are  always  quoted 
as  definitive. 

The  ‘‘Ink  Remains” — Mo  Yuan  Hui  Kuan — 
by  An  I-chou,  who  lived  during  the  first  part  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  has  been  made  available 
recently  by  its  publication  in  Peking.  It  remained 
in  the  form  of  a written  manuscript  until  it  was 
published  by  Tuan  Fang,  about  1904.  Unfor- 
tunately, this  edition  was  lost  in  a fire,  with  the 
exception  of  a few  copies  which  had  been  dis- 

[160] 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


tributed  to  friends.  It  is  a critical  discussion  of 
the  writings  and  paintings  in  the  collection  of  this 
wealthy  Korean,  who  was  a salt  merchant  in 
Tientsin.  He  must  have  been  a man  of  refined 
taste,  for  his  selection  of  scripts  and  paintings 
was  most  careful.  Any  objects  bearing  the  seal  of 
“I-chou”  are  most  eagerly  coveted  by  collectors, 
as  it  is  a certain  mark  not  only  of  genuineness, 
but  also  of  fine  aesthetic  quality. 

Two  other  books  of  first  importance  should  be 
noted.  “The  Collection  of  Writings  and  Paint- 
ings of  the  Wang  Family  ’’ — Wang  Shih  Shu  Hua 
Yuan— was  prepared  by  Wang  Shih-cheng  (a.d. 
1526-1593)  and  published  by  Wang  Ch’ien-ch’ang 
a generation  later.  Wang  Shih-cheng  had  access 
to  the  famous  collection  of  Yen  Sung.  He  quotes 
early  authorities,  gives  chronological  lists  of 
calligraphists  and  painters,  together  with  their 
works,  and  also  describes  famous  collections. 
The  other  publication  is  now  very  rare.  It  is 
the  Shi  Ku  T’ang — “Notes  on  Writings  and 
Paintings” — published  during  the  reign  of  K’ang 
Hsi.  This  book  is  a mine  of  accurate  information. 
There  are  many  other  valuable  books  on  these 
allied  subjects  which  consist  of  notes  made  from 
personal  inspection  of  script  or  paintings.  The 
three  books  written  by  different  authorities  and 
entitled  “Summer  Vacation  Records  "—Hsiao 

[161] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Hsia  Chi — describe  paintings  or  writings  which 
the  authors  had  seen  and  handled.  Of  such  criti- 
cal examination  as  is  found  in  these  publications 
it  is  possible  to  say  that  the  observer  has  some- 
times been  misled  but,  in  the  case  of  responsible 
men,  not  that  he  has  not  reported  accurately 
what  he  saw.  There  is  only  one  conspicuous 
instance  of  a deliberate  forgery  of  supposititious 
ancient  writings  and  paintings.  This  was  done 
on  a large  scale  in  the  Pao  Hui  Lu , though  this 
book  also  contains  descriptions  of  many  genuine 
specimens.  An  instance  of  a poor  critic,  lacking 
in  discrimination,  is  found  in  the  author  of  Hung 
Tou  Shu  Kuan  Shu  Hua  Chi,  who  describes 
as  genuine  many  examples  which  are  known  from 
other  sources  to  have  been  unreliable. 

The  materials  with  which  calligraphists  and 
painters  worked  were  the  same.  The  brush  was 
used  indifferently  for  writing  or  painting,  but  in 
addition  to  the  black  ink  of  the  writer  the  artist 
had  colors.  In  all  other  respects — whether  as 
to  surroundings,  method  of  approach,  use  of 
materials — the  two  classes  were  considered  as 
fellow-members  of  the  “Grove  of  Brushes,” 
Han-lin , which  is  the  literary  designation  of  the 
wielders  of  the  brush.  The  studios  of  both  are 
known  as  IVen  Fang — “The  Abodes  of  Culture” — 
and  have  similar  furnishings.  In  addition  to  the 

[162] 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


EXAMPLE  OF  “DRAFT”  WRITING 


brush  and  the  tablet,  on  which  the  ink  in  solution 
is  rubbed  to  its  correct  consistency,  the  necessities 
are  ink,  paper,  and  silk.  Each  of  these  three 
materials  has  been  carefully  studied,  and  there 
are  complete  records  of  the  types  used  in  the 
different  periods  of  the  development  of  the 
graphic  arts. 

As  to  ink — the  usual  process  of  manufacture  has 
been  from  the  soot  obtained  from  imperfect  com- 
bustion in  the  burning  of  dry  pine  or  fir  and 
mixed  with  glutinous  substances.  One  of  the 
early  literary  references  to  ink  is  that  of  the  poet 

[163] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Ts’ao  Chih  (a.d.  192-232),  who  said,  “Ink  is  made 
of  black  soot  obtained  from  pine-wood.”  It  is 
known  that  during  the  T’ang  dynasty  there  was 
included  in  the  yearly  tribute  from  Korea  a present 
of  ink  made  from  pine-soot.  It  was  not  until  the 
Sung  dynasty,  according  to  the  Cho  Keng  Lu , 
that  lampblack,  yu  yeti,  began  to  be  used.  The 
best  quality  of  glue  used  in  the  manufacture  of  ink 
is  that  which  comes  from  Tung-o  hsien,  Shan- 
tung province,  and  is  called  0 Chiao.  It  is 
made  from  boiling  donkey  hides  in  the  water  of 
the  Tung-o,  which  is  reputed  to  contain  mineral 
substances  especially  useful  for  this  purpose.  The 
glue  obtained  is  of  the  color  of  amber,  is  glossy, 
and  has  no  odor.  This  pine-soot  ink,  sung-yen 
mo , is  popularly  spoken  of  as  glue  ink,  chiao  mo , 
and  is  the  kind  that  is  always  found  in  paintings 
and  scripts  previous  to  the  end  of  the  Yuan 
dynasty.  It  was  also  used  by  Tung  Ch’i-ch’ang, 
Wu  Wei,  and  Fu  Shan,  of  later  times.  It  is 
always  jet  black  and  glossy  like  varnish.  It 
is  different  from  Ming  ink,  ming  mo,  as  used  by 
Shen  Chou,  T’ang  Yin,  Wen  Cheng-ming,  and 
Ch’iu  Ying,  which  is  lacking  in  depth  of  color  and 
is  never  glossy.  These  qualities  are  also  absent 
from  lampblack  ink,  yu  mo,  which  is  in  general 
use.  Much  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  artistic 
forms  and  decoration  of  ink  cakes  and  tablets. 

[164] 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


Many  of  the  designs  on  porcelain  have  been  copied 
directly  from  previous  designs  on  ink  cakes.  A 
discussion  of  these  would  lead  us  too  far  afield, 
but  the  subject  is  fully  treated  in  Cheng  Shih  Mo 
Yuan  and  Fang  Shih  Mo  P'u,  both  of  which  are 
fully  illustrated. 

The  invention  of  paper  is  usually  ascribed  to 
Ts’ai  Lun,  of  the  Later  Han  dynasty,  who  rose  to 
prominence  during  the  reign  of  Ho  Ti  (a.d.  89- 
106).  Having  replaced  the  bamboo  tablet  and 
stylus  with  silk  and  ink,  he  made  a further  con- 
tribution to  the  graphic  arts  by  the  invention  of 
paper  as  a medium  for  the  use  of  writers  and  paint- 
ers. Another  famous  name  in  the  early  produc- 
tion of  paper  is  that  of  the  courtesan  Hsieh  T’ao, 
of  the  ninth  century,  who  invented  the  kind  known 
as  Sze-ch’uan  paper,  Shu  chien.  The  earliest  paper 
which  I have  seen  is  a specimen  of  bamboo  paper, 
chuh  chih.  As  its  name  indicates,  it  is  made  of 
bamboo  pulp,  is  thick,  and  has  a rough  surface. 
Over  it  is  a loosely  woven  silk  mesh,  which,  it 
appears,  was  intended  as  a protection.  The 
artist  Wei  Hsieh,  in  the  fourth  century  a.d.,  is 
known  to  have  used  this  variety  of  paper.  That 
which  was  used  previous  to  the  end  of  the  T’ang 
dynasty,  tenth  century,  was  called  hemp  paper, 
tna  chih , or  white  hemp  paper,  pai  ma  chih.  This 
was  used  by  Wu  Tao-tzu,  Liu  Shan,  and  other 

[165] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


artists  of  the  T’ang  dynasty.  It  is  thick  and  has 
a rough  surface,  which  under  the  microscope 
plainly  exhibits  hemp  fibers.  The  Five  Dynasties 
and  the  Sung  witnessed  the  introduction  of  a 
finer  quality  of  paper,  called  ch'eng  hsin  t’ang.  It 
is  said  to  have  been  invented  by  Li  Hou-chu  of  the 
Later  T’ang  dynasty  (A.D.923-934).  It  is  fine,  thin, 
and  has  a smooth  surface.  It  is  the  best  quality 
of  paper  that  has  ever  been  produced  in  China 
and  was  used  by  Li  Kung-lin,  Ch’ien  Hsiian, 
and  other  great  artists  of  the  Sung  and  Yuan 
periods.  The  paper  of  the  Ming  dynasty,  called 
Ta-chien  and  Hsiao-chien,  was  of  inferior  quality, 
but  relief  from  it  was  found  by  artists  and  writers 
in  the  introduction  of  silk-cocoon  paper  from 
Korea — Kao-li  chien  chih.  However,  this  new 
paper  proved  to  be  too  glossy  to  take  ink  well 
and  after  a brief  popularity  fell  into  disuse.  The 
same  kind  of  paper  as  was  used  in  the  Ming  dy- 
nasty is  still  in  use.  Any  variety  of  paper  was 
prepared  before  use  by  an  artist.  It  was  washed 
with  a weak  lye,  obtained  usually  from  the  pods 
of  the  Gymnocladus  chinensis  ( ts'ao  chia  tzu)  and 
then  sized  with  alum. 

Silk  was  used  for  paintings  more  often  than 
paper,  which  was  reserved  for  script,  but  some 
artists  used  both  materials.  It  is  said  of  Li  Kung- 
lin  that  he  always  used  paper  for  original  paintings 

[166] 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


and  silk  for  reproductions  of  the  work  of  others. 
Those  who  had  the  most  perfect  control  of  their 
brushes,  like  Mi  Fei  and  Chao  Meng-fu,  used 
paper  for  their  best  work.  The  earliest  silk  was 
coarsely  woven.  It  is  doubtful  whether  or  not 
we  have  any  existing  samples  of  silk  anterior  to 
the  T’ang  dynasty,  though  it  is  claimed  that  there 
are  paintings  of  the  Han  dynasty  done  on  silk 
of  that  period  in  the  Stein  collection  of  the  British 
Museum,  taken  from  the  Tun-huang  Stone  House. 
I have  a sample  of  this  silk  and  cannot  distinguish 
it  in  any  way  from  the  coarse  silk,  seng  chiian , of 
the  T’ang  dynasty,  of  which  there  are  detailed 
descriptions  in  literature  and  of  which  I have  an 
example.  This  kind  of  silk  was  used  by  Yen  Li- 
pen.  There  is  also  another  type  of  T’ang  silk, 
which  is  called  lien  chiian  or  prepared  silk.  It  is 
silk  which  has  been  beaten  on  a polished  stone 
with  a-  stick,  sometimes  covered  with  silver, 
until  the  interstices  between  the  threads  are 
filled  and  the  silk  has  a continuous  surface.  This 
prepared  silk  was  first  used  by  Chou  Fang  in  his 
delineation  of  court  scenes,  and  an  example  of  it 
may  be  seen  in  the  scroll  by  Chou  Fang  in  the 
Metropolitan  Museum.  The  silk  of  the  Sung 
dynasty  had  double  strands  for  both  warp  and 
woof,  being  called  shuang-ssu  chiian;  or  the  warp 
had  double  strands  and  the  woof  a single  one. 

[167] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


The  latter  was  called  tan  ssti  chiian.  In  addition 
to  this  silk,  there  was  a coarser  type  known  as 
“academy  silk,”  yuan  chiian , on  account  of  it 
having  been  specially  prepared  for  the  use  of  the 
academicians.  It  was  woven  into  various  widths, 
the  widest  being  seven  or  eight  feet.  Many  of  the 
surviving  ancient  pictures  of  China  are  on  this 
type  of  silk.  They  were  made  in  the  Sung  Acad- 
emy of  Painting  and  are  reproductions  of  the  work 
of  great  masters.  The  silk  of  the  Yiian  dynasty 
is  practically  the  same  as  that  of  the  Sung,  with 
the  exception  that  the  double-stranded  variety 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  woven.  The  Ming 
dynasty  silk  has  single  coarse  strands  both  for 
warp  and  woof.  It  is  similar  to  the  coarse  silk 
of  the  T’ang  dynasty,  but  it  is  more  closely 
woven. 

These  details  of  the  materials  used  have  been 
given  as  aids  in  determining  the  period  to  which 
writings  and  paintings  should  be  correctly  as- 
signed. While  it  is  always  possible  that  a picture 
painted  at  the  beginning  of  the  Ming  dynasty 
may  be  on  Sung  dynasty  silk  and  done  with 
Sung  dynasty  ink,  both  of  which  have  been  care- 
fully preserved,  it  is  obvious  that  no  Sung  dynasty 
painting  could  have  had  silk  or  ink  of  the  later 
Ming.  It  is  idle  to  discuss  the  age  of  writings  or 
paintings  solely  on  the  basis  of  their  style,  for  the 

[ 1 68] 


CALLIGRAPHY  AND  PAINTING 


great  masters  used  different  styles.  Even  the 
quality  of  work  is  not  a sure  guide,  for  this  was 
never  uniform,  the  same  artist  or  writer  fre- 
quently having  left  both  good  and  indifferent 
specimens.  The  paper  or  silk,  the  ink,  the  color 
value  of  the  pigments  must  all  be  given  due  con- 
sideration, along  with  the  signature,  seals,  and 
annotations.  The  aesthetic  value  may  suffice  for 
one  who  is  indifferent  to  the  origin  of  a script  or 
a picture,  but  it  is  only  one  of  many  essentials 
which  must  be  determined  when  the  question 
arises  as  to  who  wrote  a certain  specimen  ot 
script  or  who  painted  a certain  picture.  Then 
information  must  be  sought  for  from  all  available 
sources,  and  in  this  search  the  quality  of  paper, 
silk,  and  ink  is  important  evidence. 


[169] 


PAINTING 


Although  the  Chinese  estimate  of  calligraphy  as 
the  crown  of  their  art  may  be  grudgingly  allowed, 
it  is  in  painting  that  we  must  find  the  best  expres- 
sion of  their  strong  aesthetic  and  imaginative 
spirit.  Painting  is  as  truly  national  in  its  char- 
acter as  the  writing  of  ideographs,  and,  though 
from  its  nature  it  has  not  had  such  a far-reaching 
influence,  it  is  a method  of  artistic  expression 
which  is  more  easily  appreciated.  The  same 
delicate  lines  or  strong  brush  strokes  are  found  in 
both  arts,  but  it  is  by  painting  alone  that  the 
finest  aesthetic  emotions  may  be  aroused.  Writ- 
ing delights  the  beholder  but  does  not  move  him 
by  playing  upon  his  feelings;  painting  both  de- 
lights and  moves.  More  than  in  any  other 
branch  of  art,  the  Chinese  have  expressed  in 
painting  the  essential  qualities  of  their  genius. 
They  are  devoted  to  literary  culture,  and  their 
artists  are  evolved  from  it.  It  is  not  linear 
drawing  nor  any  other  form  of  technical  training 
which  has  given  an  artist  his  necessary  tutelage; 
this  has  been  found  in  literature,  poetry,  history, 
and  belles-lettres.  He  has  learned  to  control  a 

[170] 


PAINTING 


brush,  which  is  his  one  essential  tool  as  an  artist. 
In  literature  he  has  learned  the  names  of  the 
delicate  shades  of  color,  which  he  learns  to  pro- 
duce for  his  own  palette  by  combinations  of 
elemental  colors.  His  first  desire  is  to  have  his 
mind  filled  with  the  historical  and  traditional 
stories  of  his  country,  to  have  his  heart  moved  by 
the  verses  of  the  poets,  and  to  loose  his  imaginative 
faculties.  After  such  preliminary  exercises,  he 
copies  the  style  of  earlier  masters,  noting  their 
use  of  the  brush  and  of  colors.  He  is  then  ready 
to  commence  individual  work  and  to  follow  his 
own  bent.  This  is  the  training  which  all  the 
great  artists  of  China  received  in  their  time. 
They  became  artists  after  the  necessary  pre- 
liminary culture  had  been  acquired;  and  this  cul- 
ture was  the  result  of  a general  literary  training, 
which  only  awaited  the  stirrings  of  imagination 
in  their  souls  before  they  were  fully  equipped  for 
their  work.  Almost  none  of  the  great  artists  has 
attempted  to  teach  pupils,  as  this  would  have 
seemed  to  him  to  be  a profanation  of  his  art, 
which  is  a thing  of  the  spirit  and  not  of  the  letter. 

There  is  always  another  class  which  makes 
drawing  and  painting  a profession.  Such  persons 
are  trained  in  the  same  prescribed  methods  as 
are  found  in  our  western  art  schools,  with  the 
single  aim  of  teaching  them  to  earn  a livelihood. 

[I71! 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


They  do  not  expect  to  become  artists,  for  they 
do  not  consider  themselves  to  have  had  a suffi- 
ciently good  education;  they  are  content  to  remain 
artisans  of  painting.  They  are  responsible  for 
the  tawdry  and  grotesque  paintings  which  have 
been  considered  too  often  to  be  the  characteristic 
representations  of  all  the  Chinese  have  known  of 
this  art.  They  have  copied  freely  the  reputed 
peculiarities  of  the  styles  of  great  masters,  often 
without  ever  having  seen  one  of  their  paintings, 
and  have  even  gone  to  the  further  extent  of  copy- 
ing the  signatures  of  these  artists.  Such  copies 
naturally  vary  in  quality,  some  of  them  being 
forgeries  apparent  even  to  a tyro,  while  others 
need  most  careful  examination. 

One  of  the  largest  schools  ever  established  was 
that  of  the  Ming  artist  Ch’iu  Ying,  who  was  an 
exception  to  the  rule  that  good  artists  are  not 
teachers.  He  himself  wielded  a strong,  yet 
delicate,  brush — as  is  seen  in  his  “Dancing 
Women,”  in  the  collection  of  Mr.  Ching  Hsien, 
Peking.  His  pupils  produced  some  good  work, 
to  which  they  were  allowed  to  attach  the  name  of 
their  master  as  if  it  were  his  own;  but  most  of 
the  pictures  which  they  left  are  of  mediocre  or 
bad  quality.  In  addition  to  the  poor  work  of  his 
pupils,  their  paintings  have  been  reproduced  in 
forgeries  of  still  worse  quality.  No  artists  have 

[172] 


[i73l 


METROPOLITAN  MUSEUM,  NEW  YORK 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


suffered  from  the  poor  work  of  copyists  more  than 
Ch’iu  Ying  and  Chao  Meng-fu. 

A large  number  of  art  students  also  were  trained 
in  the  academies  of  painting  founded  in  the  T’ang 
and  Sung  dynasties.  These  students  were  re- 
cruited chiefly  from  the  ranks  of  disappointed 
literary  men  or  persons  of  artistic  taste  who  had 
not  acquired  a liberal  education.  They  were  not 
in  the  same  class  as  the  great  masters,  who  were 
appointed  officers  of  the  Academy  by  imperial 
favor,  in  recognition  of  their  talents,  but  often  they 
did  very  creditable  work.  Many  of  the  Sung 
pictures  which  have  survived  to  our  time  are 
doubtless  the  work  of  Academicians,  some  of 
whom  must  have  been  men  of  great  talent.  One 
of  the  severe  tests  imposed  by  the  emperor  Hui 
Tsung  upon  these  Academicians  was  to  paint  a 
picture  suggested  by  the  line  of  a poem.  This 
gave  rise  to  the  couplet  “A  poem  in  a picture  and 
a picture  in  a poem.”  Other  examples  of  paint- 
ings which  I should  not  hesitate  to  class  as  having 
been  produced  in  the  Sung  dynasty  are  weak  in 
design  and  faltering  in  execution.  These  are  the 
work  of  the  less  talented  members  of  the  Acad- 
emy. The  age  of  such  paintings  is  undoubted, 
but  they  are  valueless  as  examples  of  fine  art. 
It  is  too  often  supposed  that  a particular  painting 
cannot  belong  to  the  Sung  period  because  it  is  so 

[174] 


PAINTING 


poor  or,  on  the  other  hand,  that  it  must  belong 
to  this  period  for  the  reason  that  it  is  so  well  done. 
Neither  of  these  reasons  is  sound.  The  Acade- 
micians of  the  Sung  dynasty  produced  both  good 
and  bad  paintings.  It  is  of  no  value  to  collect 
or  study  their  poor  work,  even  though  it  is  old. 
What  should  be  prized  is  only  that  which  is 
aesthetically  good,  and  this  should  be  independent 
of  whether  the  painting  is  an  original  or  a repro- 
duction. 

Indeed,  it  is  difficult  to  determine  in  Chinese 
paintings  what  is  original  and  what  is  reproduc- 
tion. The  same  themes  have  served  over  and  over 
again  for  artists  in  succeeding  generations.  Such 
subjects  as  a portrait  of  the  giant  General  Kuo 
Tzu-i,  the  gentle  Kuan  Yin,  goddess  of  mercy, 
the  Nine  Songs  of  the  legendary  period  (chiu  ko 
t'u ),  Mongol  horsemen  {fan  ma  t'u),  washing  the 
elephant  {hsi  siang  t'u),  the  home-coming  of 
T’ao  Yiian-ming  {kuei  ch'ii  lai  t'u),  have  been 
painted  by  many  artists.  Because  P’ei  K’uan,  of 
the  T’ang  dynasty,  painted  the  “Ten  Horses” 
and  six  hundred  years  later  Chao  Meng-fu  chose 
the  same  subject,  it  does  not  follow  that  Chao 
tried  to  copy  P’ei’s  picture.  In  fact,  a com- 
parison of  the  two  in  the  collection  of  the  Metro- 
politan Museum,  New  York,  shows  that  Chao 
has  placed  some  of  his  horses  in  different  positions 

[175] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


from  those  found  in  P’ei’s  painting.  The  only 
fact  that  can  be  established  is  that  the  idea  of  the 
two  artists  was  taken  from  a common  literary 
source.  The  same  remarks  may  be  made  con- 
cerning the  T’ang  picture  by  Chou  Fang  of 
“Washing  the  Elephant”  and  its  reproduction 
by  Ch’ien  Hsu  an,  of  the  Yuan  dynasty,  both  of 
which  may  be  found  in  American  collections. 
These  pictures  are  treatments  of  the  same  subject, 
but  each  discloses  in  its  brush  work  the  peculi- 
arities of  the  artist.  While  this  explanation  is 
true  of  paintings  by  recognized  artists,  it  would  be 
misleading  if  applied  to  many  others  who  have 
not  been  careful  of  their  standing  and  have  not 
hesitated  to  make  slavish  copies,  which  they  have 
forged  with  the  evident  intention  of  passing  them 
off  as  genuine.  Some  of  these  are  very  cleverly 
done,  and  their  defects  can  be  discovered  only 
by  a careful  process  of  comparison  with  recog- 
nized originals. 

The  marvelous  tenacity  of  memory  which  the 
Chinese  system  of  education  has  developed  for 
many  centuries  makes  reproduction  easier  than 
it  is  for  western  artists,  whose  minds  have  been 
trained  according  to  analytic  methods.  A strik- 
ing example  of  memory  retentiveness  was  shown 
by  Mr.  Kung-pa  King,  who  is  the  most  brilliant 
of  living  artists  in  China  at  the  present  time.  He 

[176] 


a ~!  •- 


^ * Jt « r iK  a?  tf  «*  w v<  - *«  ~ * «■ u *■  •' 

<s  s *•  * 4 *’  4 s * ■*  « * * •*  ? < r s'-  **  ' r-  - “ 

£t'*iSi«i  " <&&  -f  W»» >*./• 

a %-•*•*  ¥ l4  Ip!-!  V . V 

+ •!  *-<■**•  ♦*  «*■  &***h 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


visited  me  at  my  house  in  Peking  one  morning  for 
nearly  an  hour  and  saw  on  the  wall  of  my  room  a 
charming  Sung  dynasty  landscape  which  had 
been  lent  to  me  by  a friend.  Mr.  King  and  I 
discussed  the  merits  of  the  painting  from  many 
points  of  view.  The  subject  was  a neck  of  land 
jutting  out  into  a river  in  which  small  boats  were 
plying.  A few  houses  dotted  the  land,  behind 
which  masts  of  sailing  vessels  could  be  seen.  A 
pagoda  crowned  a height  to  the  right.  It  was 
a quiet  evening  river  scene  on  a summer  day 
inviting  to  leisure.  The  charm  of  the  picture 
appealed  deeply  to  Mr.  King,  as  it  had  already 
stirred  my  heart.  A few  days  later  I visited  the 
artist  in  his  home,  and  we  conversed  again 
about  this  landscape.  To  my  amazement  he  pro- 
duced a splendid  copy  of  the  landscape,  which  he 
had  made  in  the  intervening  time  solely  from  his 
memory  of  the  painting  as  he  had  seen  it  for  a 
brief  hour  in  my  house.  His  reproduction  omitted 
no  detail,  while  at  the  same  time  it  caught  the 
spirit  of  the  original.  Never  before  had  Mr.  King 
seen  the  painting.  His  copy  was  made  from  mem- 
ory aided  by  keen,  sensitive  powers  of  observation. 

Chinese  painting  is  based  upon  memory  repro- 
duction and  imaginative  reconstruction  rather 
than  upon  accurate  imitation  of  a model.  An 
artist  wanders  over  a hillside  on  an  autumn  morn- 

[178] 


PAINTING 


ing  and  watches  the  bluish-gray  mist  lift  itself 
heavenward.  He  sees  a ruined  temple  on  the 
other  side  of  the  valley,  half  hidden,  and  hears  a 
gurgling  brook  hastening  on  its  way  to  the  foot 
of  the  hill.  On  an  elevated  path,  in  the  clear 
daylight,  he  sees  two  travelers,  one  on  foot  and 
the  other  riding  a donkey.  The  artist  returns 
home  with  certain  definite  mental  impressions. 
He  makes  no  sketch  of  what  he  has  seen,  but  his 
mental  vision  is  retentive  and  his  imagination  on 
fire.  He  reads  a book  of  history  which  reminds 
him  of  some  authentic  incident,  like  that  of  Su 
Tung-p’o  going  to  search  for  two  noted  priests 
of  great  reputation  for  holiness,  during  the  first 
days  of  his  official  life  at  Hang-chow.  Immedi- 
ately the  whole  scene  which  lay  in  the  artist’s 
mind  is  changed.  The  autumn  hills  take  on  the 
shape  of  those  surrounding  the  West  Lake,  where 
Su  Tung-p’o  made  his  famous  trip;  the  moun- 
tain stream  is  spanned  with  a bridge  of  flagstones; 
Su  in  loose,  flowing  robes  and  with  long  beard  is 
crossing  a bridge  attended  by  a servant  leading 
a donkey.  A temple  where  the  two  holy  men  live 
lies  just  across  the  bridge.  It  is  located  on  a rocky 
clifl',  from  which  gnarled  pine-trees  overhang  the 
stream.  The  picture  “Searching  for  Truth,” 
now  in  the  Cleveland  Museum,  is  thus  produced. 
It  is  a combination  of  artistic  impulse,  based  upon 

[179] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


the  inspiration  of  natural  scenery,  and  of  the 
imaginative  reconstruction  of  the  artist.  The 
subjective  life  of  the  artist  is  always  present  in  his 
pictures. 

Another  artist  watches  the  movements  of  a 
captive  tiger  chained  to  a tree  in  a rocky,  desolate 
farm-yard  and  is  impressed  with  the  pent-up 
energy  of  the  beast.  He  watches  the  fierceness  of 
its  eye,  the  sinuous  movements  of  its  tail,  and  the 
strength  of  its  legs.  He  goes  to  his  studio,  selects 
a piece  of  wide  silk,  wastes  days  of  precious  time 
in  preparing  it  for  its  work,  and  diverts  himself 
with  his  ordinary  daily  occupations.  He  made 
no  sketch  while  watching  the  tiger  and  makes 
none  during  the  intervening  days  of  preparation. 
After  he  is  ready  to  begin,  he  unrolls  a small  part 
of  the  silk,  selects  a vacant  space  on  the  table  in 
front  of  him,  sketches  an  upright  rectangle,  in 
which  he  makes  a rough  drawing  of  a tiger  so  as  to 
have  it  placed  in  right  position  on  his  silk.  Then 
he  goes  to  work.  The  head  of  the  tiger  is  sketched 
in,  then  the  body,  and  on  from  part  to  part,  until 
everything  that  is  to  be  in  the  completed  picture 
has  been  given  its  place.  He  follows  no  order  and 
obeys  no  rule,  except  the  one  imposed  upon  him 
by  the  narrowness  of  his  table — that  he  shall  have 
as  small  a portion  of  the  whole  picture  exposed 
before  him  as  is  necessary  for  his  brush  work. 

I1 8c] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


The  completed  picture  rests  undisturbed  in  his 
mental  vision  from  the  time  the  first  stroke  is  com- 
mitted to  the  silk  through  the  various  incom- 
plete stages  of  its  development  until  it  leaves  his 
brush  as  a work  of  art.  This  mental  vision  of  the 
completed  painting  is  clearer  to  him  than  a sketch 
could  be.  He  does  not  paint  the  tiger  as  he  saw  it 
in  the  farm-yard.  The  artist  selects  from  his 
mass  of  visual  impressions  only  those  which  are 
essential  to  his  depiction  of  the  strength  and 
cunning  of  the  tiger.  All  other  impressions  are 
eliminated  or  made  subservient  to  these.  In  the 
completed  picture  the  tiger  is  seen  as  about  to 
spring  on  his  prey.  His  eyes  are  keen,  his  white 
teeth  show  between  parted  lips,  every  muscle 
is  tense,  his  tail  stretches  sinuously  beside  his 
body  in  such  a way  as  to  insure  the  greatest  assist- 
ance at  the  moment  of  use,  the  back  is  curved,  and 
the  two  right  feet  are  extended  forward.  Sup- 
pressed strength,  eager  to  break  forth  in  expres- 
sion, is  in  every  part  of  the  tiger’s  body.  The 
surroundings  are  also  in  harmony.  The  over- 
hanging branches  of  a gnarled  tree  appear  ready 
to  part  company  with  the  creature  whose  presence 
seems  only  an  accident.  The  shape  of  the  rock  on 
which  the  tiger  stands  and  the  contour  of  the 
rippling  waves  bend  and  sway  in  perfect  accord 
with  his  body.  They  are  intent  upon  helping 

[182] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


him  spring  forth.  Thus  the  painting  “The  Tiger” 
is  made.  It  is  not  true  to  its  original  model  in 
any  single  respect,  with  the  exception  of  the  only 
one  which  is  of  exclusive  and  essential  importance: 
it  depicts  faithfully  and  strikingly  the  strength 
and  cunning  of  the  tiger. 

Ni  Tsan  (a.d.  1301-1374)  was  one  of  the  free 
spirits  developed  during  the  short-lived  Mongol 
dynasty.  Belonging  to  a good  family,  he  in- 
herited wealth,  but  this  did  not  tie  him  to  one  place 
or  fetter  his  soul.  His  life  was  devoted  to  wander- 
ing from  one  noted  Taoist  monastery  to  another. 
He  belonged  to  the  open  and  called  himself  the 
son  of  the  clouds  and  groves,  yiin-ling  tzu.  On  one 
occasion  he  went  to  the  city  to  see  his  friend  Hsu, 
who  was  expected  home  from  official  duty  in  a 
distant  place.  While  waiting  for  Hsii,  he  became 
interested  in  the  ten-year-old  son  of  the  household, 
who  was  pursuing  his  studies  under  a tutor.  As 
a stimulus  to  diligence  on  the  part  of  the  boy 
the  artist  one  day  seated  himself  at  the  father’s 
table  and  drew  a black  and  white  sketch.  He 
portrayed  a small  house  on  three  sides  of  a court- 
yard situated  in  a pine-grove  on  a hillock,  behind 
which  mountains  towered.  A small  stream  wound 
in  and  out  before  the  grove,  but  there  was  no  sign 
of  life,  not  even  a path  leading  to  the  house.  All 
the  surroundings  were  forbidding  and  such  as 

[184] 


BLACK  AND  WHITE  SKETCH  BY  NI  TSAN,  YUAN  DYNASTY 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


would  induce  one  to  remain  indoors.  The  object 
of  the  painting  is  explained  in  the  peculiar  hand- 
writing of  the  artist  himself  on  the  remaining 
portion  of  the  paper.  He  says  that  he  wished  to 
encourage  the  youth  in  his  studies  by  reminding 
him  that  he  could  master  his  books  only  by  detach- 
ing himself  from  the  ordinary  life  of  the  world  in 
as  complete  a measure  as  if  he  were  dwelling  in 
a lonely  hut  on  a hillside,  far  from  the  world  and 
with  no  paths  leading  to  it.  In  this  sketch  imagi- 
nation was  given  free  rein.  The  artist  needed  to 
draw  upon  his  memory  only  for  the  reproduction 
of  a grove  backed  by  hills.  Imaginative  creation 
supplied  the  rest. 

As  pictorial  art  in  China  is  not  associated  with, 
or  related  to,  sculpture  and  architecture,  it  is  not 
subject  to  their  laws.  Painting  knows  only  one 
relation,  and  that  is  to  writing.  It  makes  no 
attempt  to  arouse  emotions  by  figures  seen  in 
relief  and  roundness,  as  in  sculpture,  and  it  diverts 
the  spaces  and  perspective  of  architecture  to  its 
own  uses.  It  is  a freer  and  bolder  art  than  sculp- 
ture; but  mere  freedom  did  not  attract  Chinese 
artists.  They  were  always  anxious  to  establish 
conventions,  but  the  point  is  that  the  conventions 
subscribed  to  by  them  had  no  relation  to  sculp- 
ture or  architecture.  Not  that  they  were  afraid 
of  portraying  figures,  jen  wu,  for  one  of  the  earliest 

[186] 


PAINTING 


references  to  painting  is  found  in  the  “Family 
Sayings  of  Confucius,”  in  which  the  sage  is  de- 
scribed as  visiting  a palace  at  Lo-yang,  in  b.c.  517, 
where  he  saw  portraits.  On  one  side  of  the  walls 
of  the  palace  were  portrayed  the  figures  of  the 
two  beneficent  rulers  of  antiquity,  Yao  and  Shun, 
while  on  the  other  side  were  portraits  of  the  de- 
generate despots,  Chieh  and  Chou.  One  group 
encouraged  virtue,  and  the  other  warned  against 
vice.  Paintings  of  figures  have  been  among  the 
best  types  in  all  periods  of  Chinese  art.  There 
has  been  no  attempt  to  introduce  the  effects  of 
the  high  relief  or  ronde-bosse  of  sculpture.  There 
is  no  trace  of  light  and  shade.  The  figures  stand, 
as  it  were,  in  a neutral  light,  which  suffuses  them 
but  casts  no  shadows.  There  is,  however,  a class 
of  architectural  paintings,  chieh  hua,  but  in  these 
the  masters  Kuo  Chung-shu  and  Wang  Cheng- 
peng  have  established  their  own  conventions, 
which  differ  widely  from  those  followed  by  west- 
ern painters.  Beauty  of  design  and  balance  of 
composition  are  the  chief  characteristics  of  their 
work. 

In  the  exercise  of  freedom,  resulting  from  a neg- 
lect of  the  more  ambitious  desires  of  western  con- 
freres to  include  everything  possible  in  their 
painting,  Chinese  artists  have  devoted  them- 
selves to  the  single  task  of  producing  harmonious 

[187] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


effects  of  line  and  color.  The  developments  of 
accurate  knowledge  have  not  disturbed  them,  nor 
have  they  felt  the  benumbing  influence  of  an 
art  in  which  there  was  a fateful  tendency  toward 
science.  They  have  been  the  masters,  not  the 
servants,  of  the  world’s  knowledge.  They  have 
taken  liberties  with  it,  just  as  Homer  stopped 
the  fury  of  a battle  to  allow  his  heroes  to  discuss 
their  ancestry  and  achievements,  or  as  Rubens  in 
a landscape  made  his  figures  cast  shadows  in  a 
different  direction  from  those  of  the  trees.  In  his 
famous  painting  of  “The  Five  Hundred  Disciples,” 
Li  Kung-lin,  of  Lung-mien,  shades  some  of  the 
faces  in  one  group  which  are  turned  to  the  side 
and  leaves  similar  figures  in  another  group  with- 
out shadows.  In  some  faces  the  shadow  is  shown 
by  the  use  of  a thick,  heavy  line.  In  accord- 
ance with  the  miraculous  accounts  of  Buddhism, 
Li  places  some  of  the  disciples  on  birds  riding 
through  the  air,  in  defiance  of  the  laws  of  nature. 
It  was,  in  fact,  this  spirit  of  freedom  which  made 
the  Chinese  pictorial  presentation  of  Buddhistic 
lore  so  easy  and  so  attractive.  The  more  the 
saints  transgressed  ordinary  laws,  the  greater 
the  delight  of  the  artist  and  the  better  his  scope 
of  treatment. 

This  freedom  is  not  confined  to  a disregard  of 
natural  laws.  It  sometimes  goes  still  further. 

[ 1 88] 


PAINTING 


The  artist  Ch’en  Hsiian,  thirteenth  century, 
painted  a scroll  depicting  the  journey  south- 
ward from  Sze-ch’uan  to  Yun-nan  of  the  famous 
General  Chu-ko  Liang  (a.d.  181-234).  The 

scene  begins  with  the  emergence  of  two  rafts 
from  a bend  in  the  river  into  an  open  stretch. 
The  rafts,  which  carry  mailed  warriors  with  con- 
spicuous, multicolored  war-flags,  are  propelled 
by  men  on  either  side  with  short  paddles  and  are 
convoyed  by  men  riding  astride  distended  pig- 
skin floats,  armed  with  bows  and  swords.  Part 
of  the  procession  accompanies  the  raft  on  the 
land  and  is  seen  disappearing  dramatically  around 
the  farther  side  of  a hill.  Figures  in  mellow 
shades  of  red,  green,  blue-gray,  and  pale  yellow 
are  grouped  around  a canopied  structure  built  on 
the  raft.  The  vertical  lines  of  the  flags  against 
the  brown  background  of  infinite  depth  make  a 
perfect  harmony  of  warm  color  and  fine  composi- 
tion. But,  strange  to  say,  the  central  figure  of 
General  Chu-ko  does  not  appear  at  all,  as  is 
pointed  out  in  a poetical  effusion  written  on  the 
painting  by  the  emperor  Ch’ien  Lung.  Strange 
freedom  it  would  be  to  send  the  General’s  troops 
southward  without  him — but  to  the  mind  of  the 
artist  the  General  is,  of  course,  in  his  right  place 
under  the  canopy,  where  he  cannot  be  seen.  For 
whose  use  was  the  canopy  made  if  not  for  that  of 

[189] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


the  commanding  general,  and  for  what  purpose 
are  guards  and  flags  surrounding  it  if  not  to  indi- 
cate surely  where  he  might  be  expected  to  be  ? 

Perspective,  or  rather  linear  perspective,  is  a 
scientific  achievement  adopted  by  our  artists 
but  forming  no  necessary  part  of  art,  as  is  shown 
by  the  almost  complete  absence  of  it  in  Chinese 
paintings.  The  artists  of  China  never  lost  sight 
of  the  fact  that  their  paintings  were  to  hang 
on  a flat  wall  with  light  coming  possibly  from 
both  sides  or  directly  on  the  surface  from  one 
side.  In  the  case  of  scrolls,  which  roll  up  like  a 
parchment,  volumen , they  are  always  exposed 
to  view  on  a table.  This  method  of  flat  exposure 
makes  the  use  of  isometric  perspective  less  ob- 
jectionable to  westerners,  accustomed  to  linear 
perspective,  than  it  would  otherwise  be.  Further- 
more, Chinese  artists  have  not  assumed  the  im- 
mobility of  a spectator.  On  the  contrary,  he  is 
supposed  to  move  about,  so  as  to  obtain  the  view 
of  a picture  which  gives  most  pleasure.  Some 
landscapes  must  be  viewed  obliquely  from  one 
side  or  the  other;  some  disclose  their  greatest 
beauty  directly  from  the  front;  with  some  the 
beholder  must  imagine  himself  as  viewing  the 
scene  from  a higher  point  of  view  or  from  a neigh- 
boring hillside.  No  rule  positing  the  eye  of  the 
spectator  at  a fixed  angle  to  the  center  of  a pic- 

(i9°] 


PAINTING 


ture  would  be  flexible  enough  for  the  free  spirit 
of  a Chinese  painter.  He  would  fret  under  its 
restraints,  even  if  he  were  educated  to  appreciate 
its  optical  correctness.  At  any  rate,  it  must  be 
conceded  that  in  the  realm  of  art  both  linear  and 
isometric  perspectives  are  a convention.  Artists 
may  safely  leave  it  to  scientists  to  discuss  the 
laws  of  light,  while  they  get  on  with  their  busi- 
ness of  producing  imaginative  creations  which 
will  be  a real  experience  in  the  appreciative  hearts 
of  beholders.  Of  what  use  are  a correct  under- 
standing of  optical  laws  and  a strict  application 
of  them  in  his  work  if  the  artist  produces  only 
a cold,  lifeless  picture  ? He  is  an  artisan,  not  an 
artist.  Painting  is  of  the  spirit;  it  is  not  an  out- 
come of  the  study  of  mathematical  laws. 

It  must  be  conceded  that  many  Chinese  paint- 
ings leave  an  impression  of  flatness,  but  on  care- 
ful examination  it  will  be  found  in  every  instance 
that  this  is  due  to  the  failure  of  the  artist  to  have 
obtained  harmony  of  line  and  harmony  of  color. 
This  is  the  correct  explanation,  it  seems  to  me,  and 
not  the  lack  of  chiaroscuro,  to  which  it  is  so  often 
assigned.  Where  there  is  a proper  balance  in 
composition  and  coloring  there  is  never  flatness. 
In  fact,  wherever  this  is  marked,  it  may  be  taken 
as  evidence  of  inferior  work.  Kuo  Jo-hsii  (about 
a.d.  iioo)  pointed  out  this  tendency  in  his 

[191] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


“three  faults,”  the  first  of  which  is  a weak  wrist, 
which  results  in  a stupid  brush.  Balance  is  lack- 
ing, objects  have  a flat  appearance  and  cannot 
be  represented  in  relief.  Thus  it  is  evident  that 
the  danger  of  flatness  has  been  freely  recognized 
by  Chinese  artists. 

Brush  strokes,  pi  /ah,  out  of  which  lines  are 
formed,  are  the  essence  of  Chinese  painting.  They 
are  thick  or  thin,  calm  or  nervous,  abrupt  or 
finished,  according  to  the  style  of  the  artist  or, 
in  some  instances,  to  his  mood.  The  most  fun- 
damental distinction  is  between  thick  strokes, 
ts'u  pi,  and  thin  ones,  hsi  pi.  Wu  Tao-tzu,  for 
example,  used  the  former,  and  Li  Kung-lin  the 
latter.  The  landscapists,  Yen  Wen-kuei,  of  the 
Sung  dynasty,  and  Shen  Chou,  of  the  Ming  dy- 
nasty, used  both  with  equal  facility.  Brush  strokes 
form  the  basis  on  which  different  “styles”  of  paint- 
ing are  distinguished.  In  landscape  painting  the 
brush  strokes  came  to  be  known  as  “wrinkles,” 
ts'un  fah,  and  in  the  delineation  of  mountains 
were  divided  into  a great  number  of  varieties. 
There  were  those  which  resembled  the  strokes 
of  a large  axe,  ta  fu  p'i  ts'un — like  those  used  by 
the  artist  Li  T’ang — and  others  resembling  those 
of  a small  axe,  hsiao  fu  p'i  ts'un — as  used  by  Li 
Ch’eng.  The  raindrop  strokes,  yii  tien  ts'un,  of 
Fan  K’uan  were  only  slightly  different  from 

[192] 


HILL  IN  CLOUDS,  BY  MI  FEI 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


the  hemp-fiber  ones,  ma  p' i ts’un,  of  Tung  Yuan, 
or  the  same  fiber  strokes  made  with  a short- 
handled  brush,  tuan  pi,  by  the  priest-artist  Chii 
Jan.  The  famous  Hsia  Kuei  used  “girdled  by 
water,”  tai  hsui,  strokes.  Each  of  these  is  a 
technical  name  for  the  style  in  which  artists  used 
their  brushes,  and  their  distinguishing  marks  can 
be  readily  learned.  These  distinctions  of  brush 
strokes  are  also  made  in  the  method  of  painting 
different  kinds  of  stones. 

It  was  the  fundamental  difference  between 
strong,  vigorous  brush  strokes  and  those  in  which 
gentle  gracefulness  was  the  chief  quality  that  was 
responsible  for  the  origin  in  the  Sung  dynasty  of 
the  terms  Northern  and  Southern  Schools.  These 
are  not  geographical  terms  but  refer  wholly  to 
differences  in  style  of  brush  work.  Li  Ssu-hsiin 
was  made  the  founder  of  the  Northern  School, 
and  Wang  Wei  of  the  Southern.  These  were 
two  outstanding  figures  of  the  T’ang  dynasty, 
whose  styles,  being  dissimilar,  were  sufficient 
justification  for  the  broad  grouping  into  the  two 
schools,  though  it  must  be  confessed  that  the 
terms  as  applied  to  T’ang  dynasty  painters  indi- 
cate a distinction  rather  than  a difference.  In 
the  Sung  and  later  periods,  however,  the  line 
of  demarcation  of  the  two  styles  is  distinct. 
Kuo  Hsi,  Ma  Yiian,  Hsia  Kuei,  Liu  Sung-nien, 

[194] 


PAINTING 


Li  T’ang,  Chao  Pai-chii  are  representatives  of 
the  Northern  School  in  the  Sung  dynasty,  while 
the  Southern  claims  Tung  Yuan,  Chii  Jan,  Mi 
Fei,  and  many  others.  Some  landscapists  could 
not  be  claimed  as  exclusively  belonging  to  either 
school.  These  were  Ching  Hao  and  Kuan  T’ung, 
of  the  Five  Dynasties,  and  Li  Ch’eng  and  Fan 
K’uan,  of  the  Sung.  For  all  practical  purposes 
the  distinction  between  these  two  schools  can  be 
ignored.  It  is  sufficient  to  bear  constantly  in 
mind  the  two  fundamental  ideals  in  landscape 
painting.  In  one,  strength  and  grandeur  are 
sought;  in  the  other,  beauty  and  charm. 

It  is  the  lack  of  quality  in  brush  strokes  that 
most  impresses  Chinese  critics  in  their  opinion  of 
our  western  painting.  Tsou  I-kuei  (a.d.  1680- 
1766)  was  a famous  litterateur  and  a good  artist. 
He  was  a favorite  of  the  emperor  Ch’ien  Lung 
and  was  one  of  the  group  of  artists  who  studied 
western  painting  under  the  tutorship  of  the 
Jesuit  fathers,  Attiret  and  Castiglione.  These 
two  artists  found  their  work  highly  appreciated 
at  first  in  court  circles,  but  this  popularity  could 
not  last,  for  their  style  was  too  much  at  variance 
with  accepted  Chinese  canons.  It  must  also  be 
said,  judging  from  the  existing  specimens  of 
Castiglione’s  work,  that  he  would  not  have  been 
considered  in  Europe  as  belonging  to  the  highest 

[*95l 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


rank  of  artists.  These  two  priests  studied  Chinese 
methods,  and  Chinese  artists,  like  Tsou  I-kuei, 
Tung  Pang-tah,  and  T’ang  Tai,  studied  European 
painting.  As  a result  of  the  experiment,  both 
sides  seemed  more  convinced  than  previously  of 
the  excellence  of  their  own  methods.  In  1743 
Attiret  wrote  in  Lettres  edifiantes , as  quoted  by 
Bushell: 

“It  was  necessary  for  me  to  forget,  so  to  speak, 
all  that  I had  already  learned  and  make  for  my- 
self a new  style,  in  order  to  conform  to  the 
taste  of  the  nation.  Whatever  we  paint  is 
ordered  by  the  emperor.  We  first  make  the 
designs;  he  sees  them,  has  them  changed, 
rearranged,  as  seems  good  to  him.  Whether  the 
correction  be  good  or  poor,  one  must  let  it  stand 
without  daring  to  say  anything.” 

About  the  same  time  Tsou  I-kuei  wrote,  in  his 
“Remarks  on  Painting,”  Hsiao  Shan  Hua  P’u,  as 
follows: 

“Westerners  are  fond  of  using  the  perspective 
plane  in  painting,  with  the  result  that  the  im- 
pression of  depth  and  distance  is  very  accurate. 
In  the  painting  of  human  figures,  houses,  and 
trees  there  are  always  shadows.  The  colors  and 
brushes  used  are  also  different  from  those  used 
in  China.  The  shaded  portion  of  the  picture 
tapers  off  from  wide  to  narrow,  like  the  point  of 

[196] 


PAINTING 


“a  triangle.  Mural  paintings  of  palaces  and  resi- 
dences are  often  so  real  that  one  wants  to  walk 
straight  into  them.  Students  may  make  use 
of  a small  percentage  of  the  methods  of  western- 
ers, and  especially  of  their  suggestiveness,  but 
they  are  entirely  devoid  of  style  [style  of  the 
brush].  Although  their  work  shows  skill  in 
drawing  and  workmanship,  yet  it  cannot  be 
classified  as  true  painting.” 

The  subtlety  of  Chinese  paintings  is  not  often 
the  result  of  symbolism.  This  is  a quality  to 
which  attention  is  rarely  called  by  Chinese  crit- 
ics. Horses  are  symbolic  of  the  strength  of  a 
noble  man,  and  a lion  represents  a teacher,  prob- 
ably for  the  reason  that  teacher  and  lion  are 
pronounced  alike — shih.  But  apart  from  a few 
such  instances,  symbolism  is  confined  to  the 
religious  paintings  of  Buddhism  and  Taoism,  and 
in  these  it  is  that  of  the  religionist  and  not  of  the 
artist.  The  real  subtlety  is  based  upon  the  in- 
ferior position  of  man  in  his  relation  to  the  powers 
of  Heaven  and  Earth.  He  is  not  as  with  us  the 
center  of  the  universe;  his  God  is  not  anthropo- 
morphic. He  might  have  expressed  his  philosophy 
in  the  words  of  the  Hebrew  psalmist:  “When  I 
consider  thy  heavens,  the  work  of  thy  fingers,  the 
moon  and  stars,  which  thou  hast  ordained,  what 
is  man  that  thou  art  mindful  of  him  ?”  This 

[197] 


LANDSCAPE  BY  WEN  CHENG-MING. 
MING  DYNASTY 


PAINTING 


union  of  philosophic  thought  and  art  inspiration  is 
reflected  in  the  calmness  of  Chinese  life  and  its 
freedom  from  startling  upheavals,  such  as  have 
come  to  the  western  world  through  scientific 
inventions,  by  which  man  finds  himself  no  longer 
the  subject  of  nature  but  has  become  its  master. 
The  Chinese  spirit  has  kept  itself  free  from  the 
burden  of  material  things  and  has  reveled  in  con- 
templation. Man  is  but  a small  part  of  creation — 
he  is  evanescent,  while  the  great  laws  of  heaven 
and  earth  are  constant  and  eternal.  This  subtle 
spirit  breathes  in  every  noble  landscape  painted  by 
a Chinese  artist. 

Such  sublimity  might  be  tiresome  if  it  were 
not  relieved  by  lesser  delights.  Fortunately  the 
artists  have  seen  birds  on  wing  and  have  heard 
their  songs;  they  have  beheld  beautiful  flowers, 
such  as  orchids,  lilies,  apple  blossoms,  or  peonies, 
and  have,  watched  birds  of  paradise,  thrushes,  or 
swallows  fluttering  among  the  fragrant  branches; 
they  have  observed  carp  disporting  themselves 
and  have  noted  the  grotesque  antics  of  the  praying- 
mantis.  These  all  they  have  delighted  to  paint 
and  sketch.  Nothing  has  given  them  more  satis- 
faction than  studies  of  the  graceful  bamboo  stem 
and  leaf.  They  have  allowed  themselves  to  be 
satirical  and  have  made  cartoons  in  which  they 
have  lampooned  notabilities.  One  such  scroll, 

l1 99] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


from  the  collection  of  Tuan  Fang,  represents 
some  of  the  leading  men  and  women  of  the  T’ang 
dynasty  as  beggars,  each  with  hand  extended  for 
some  favor.  Garden  scenes  with  women  in  beauti- 
ful gowns,  toy-venders  with  gaily  dressed  children 
pressing  upon  them,  monkeys  on  sticks,  falcons 
eager  for  the  hunt,  horses  halting  for  rest  in  the 
shade  of  a tree,  a playful  cat  ready  to  spring  at 


CARTOON,  T’ANG  DYNASTY.  IN  COLLECTION  OF  TUAN  FANG 


a dog,  an  aroused  sleeper  throwing  his  boot  at  a 
troublesome  rodent — these  are  also  subjects  for 
the  artists  and  show  the  more  human  side  of  their 
character. 

Fortunately  we  have  not  been  left  without  a 
description  of  an  early  painting.  A scroll  repre- 
senting a landscape  with  the  Ytin  Tai  Mountain 
in  the  distance  is  strikingly  described  by  the 
great  artist  Ku  K’ai-chih,  of  the  fourth  century. 
It  is  not  known  where  this  hill  was  located,  but 
it  was  probably  one  of  the  peaks  of  Kuei-chi, 
the  eastern  part  of  the  province  of  Cheh-kiang. 

[200] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


These  were  the  hills  that  Ku  painted  in  his  famous 
scroll  “The  Hills  ot  Kuei-chi,  ” in  the  Metropoli- 
tan Museum,  New  York.  This  was  formerly  in 
the  collection  of  the  Ch’en  family,  of  Wei  hsien, 
Shan-tung  province.  It  was  brought  to  Tuan 
Fang  while  he  was  Viceroy  at  Nanking,  and  he 
told  me  that  he  offered  a high  price  for  it,  but  the 
seller  demanded  a higher  one.  In  his  great  love 
for  landscape  painting,  Tuan  Fang  said  that  he 
preferred  this  scroll  to  the  one  then  in  his  col- 
lection. It  was  doubtless  of  this  painting  that 
Viceroy  Tuan  spoke  to  Professor  Adolph  Fischer, 
of  Berlin,  as  quoted  by  Binyon,  on  page  37  of  his 
Painting  in  the  Far  East.  Of  the  three  known 
paintings  attributed  to  Ku  K’ai-chih  this  land- 
scape scroll  has  the  earliest  attestation  in  a seal  of 
the  emperor  T’ai  Tsung  (a.d.  627-650),  the  gen- 
uineness of  which  I have  been  able  to  ascertain 
by  comparison  with  another  known  specimen. 
The  style  of  painting  is  in  complete  accord  with 
Ku’s  description,  which  follows: 

“Back  of  the  face  of  the  hill  are  the  shadows. 
The  clouds,  vomited  forth  from  the  clear  blue  ot 
the  eastern  sky,  are  rushing  toward  the  west. 
The  sky  and  water  are  brilliant  blue.  The 
setting  sun  throws  its  rays  over  the  hillside  and 
makes  it  possible  to  distinguish  between  objects 
that  are  near  and  those  that  are  in  the  distance. 

[202] 


PAINTING 


“The  hill  starts  from  the  east,  but  halfway  to 
the  top  there  is  a turn,  and  four  or  five  purple- 
colored  rocks,  looking  like  thick  clouds,  come 
into  view.  A narrow  ravine  winds  in  and  out 
like  a curled  dragon.  Above  are  hilltops  on  all 
sides,  which  burst  upon  the  view.  In  rear  of 
these  is  a steep  peak  facing  the  east,  and,  joined 
with  other  undulatory  summits,  it  stretches  off 
toward  a large  reddish  boulder  on  the  west. 
Below  are  deep  ravines  cut  into  the  face  of  the 
hill  and  leaving  a boulder  projecting  in  a most 
threatening  aspect.  Laotse  is  sitting  on  the 
boulder  and  pointing  toward  a peach  tree,  which 
is  growing  out  of  the  sides  of  one  of  the  high 
ravines.  His  face  is  thin,  but  full  of  life,  and 
is  turned  toward  two  of  his  disciples  who  are 
looking  down,  frightened  and  perspiring.  He  is 
calmly  discussing  philosophical  problems  with 
Wang  Liang,  whose  whole  body  is  in  sight,  while 
Wang  Chao  is  partially  hidden  by  a projecting 
rock,  so  that  only  the  sleeves  of  his  coat  may  be 
seen.  The  clothes  of  the  other  men,  faintly 
seen  on  account  of  the  height  and  distance  of  the 
hill,  differ  from  the  richly-colored  clothes  of 
persons  painted  in  their  home. 

The  central  part  of  the  scroll  represents  two 
mountains,  Chiieh  Wo,  covered  with  red  sand, 
and  Kao  Lii,  with  its  rugged  peaks.  A solitary 

[203] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


“pine-tree  stands  on  Kao  Lii  opposite  the  boulder 
on  which  Laotse  is  sitting  and  leaning  out  over 
the  intervening  gulley,  in  which  clusters  a small 
red  hut,  which  seems  at  no  great  distance  from 
either  side.  These  two  hills  stretch  out  toward 
the  west  to  connect  with  the  Yiin  Tai  Moun- 
tain, having  a road  on  the  left  side  overhanging 
a ravine,  filled  with  massive  rocks  bunched 
together,  under  which  a stream  pours  forth  from 
a fountain.  The  water  rushes  out  toward  the 
coast  and  drops  below  through  quick-flowing 
rapids,  disappearing  in  the  depth.  There  are 
distant  views  of  the  hill  Yiin  Tai  from  the 
east  and  west,  as  well  as  from  the  northwest. 
Looking  up  the  hill  there  is  a cleft  rock  resem- 
bling double  doors,  in  one  of  which  calmly  sits  a 
phoenix  with  wings  outspread  and  tail  elevated, 
as  if  about  to  fly.  The  last  part  of  the  scroll 
presents  the  western  side  of  Yiin  T’ai.  There  is 
a wide  valley  with  a flowing  stream.  A white 
tiger  crouches  at  the  edge  of  the  water  ready  to 
drink.  The  picture  then  gradually  slopes  off 
to  the  end  of  the  scroll.” 

Another  great  painter,  Kuo  Hsi,  gave  his  idea 
of  landscape  painting.  In  the  Hua  Hsiin , a por- 
tion of  which  has  been  freely  translated  by  Sei- 
ichi  Taki,  the  artist  reveals  his  communings  with 
nature: 


[204] 


PAINTING 


“From  what  motives  springs  the  love  of  high- 
minded  men  for  landscape  ? In  his  very  nature 
man  loves  to  be  in  a garden  with  hills  and 
streams,  whose  water  makes  cheerful  music  as  it 
glides  among  the  stones.  What  a delight  does 
one  derive  from  such  sights  as  that  of  a fisher- 
man engaging  in  his  leisurely  occupation  in  a 
sequestered  nook,  or  of  a woodsman  felling  a tree 
in  a secluded  spot,  or  of  mountain  scenery  with 
sporting  monkeys  and  cranes  ? Nothing  is  so  dis- 
tasteful as  the  bustle  and  turmoil  of  a city,  and 
one  naturally  envies  the  lot  of  sages  and  hermits, 
who  always  abide  amidst  the  beauties  of  nature. 
But  in  this  day  of  peace,  when  the  emperor  and 
people  are  in  perfect  accord,  each  striving  to 
promote  the  weal  of  the  empire,  it  would  be 
contrary  to  justice  if  a man  should  egotistically 
leave  society  and  retire  to  a mountain.  This  is 
no  time  for  us  to  abandon  the  busy  worldly  life 
for  one  of  seclusion  in  the  mountains,  as  was 
honorably  done  by  some  ancient  sages  in  their 
days.  Though  impatient  to  enjoy  life  amidst 
the  luxuries  of  nature,  most  people  are  debarred 
from  indulging  in  such  pleasures.  To  meet  this 
want  artists  have  endeavored  to  represent  land- 
scapes so  that  people  may  be  able  to  behold  the 
grandeur  of  nature  without  stepping  out  of  their 
houses.  In  this  light,  painting  affords  pleasures 

[205] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


“of  a nobler  sort  by  removing  from  one  the  im- 
patient desire  of  actually  observing  nature.” 

The  general  principles  of  painting  were  summed 
up  in  the  “Six  Canons”  of  Hsieh  Ho  (a.d.  475). 
These  were  expressed  in  the  tersest  form,  only 
four  characters  being  used  for  each  rule.  They 
have  been  variously  translated.  Giles’  version  is: 
(1)  rhythmic  vitality,  (2)  anatomical  structure, 
(3)  conformity  with  nature,  (4)  suitability  of 
coloring,  (5)  artistic  composition,  and  (6)  finish. 
It  is  easier  to  obtain  an  adequate  idea  of  the 
artistic  principles  underlying  these  canons  from 
the  original  Chinese  than  from  Giles’  extra-terse 
translation.  Interpreting  them  in  the  light  of 
the  explanation  of  Chang  Yen-yuan,  ninth  cen- 
tury, it  seems  to  me  that  the  real  meaning  of  the 
canons,  expanded  so  as  to  convey  the  implied 
ideas,  is  as  follows: 

1.  The  conception  should  possess  harmony  and 
vitality. 

2.  The  brush  should  be  used  to  establish  the 
structural  framework. 

3.  The  outline  should  conform  to  the  shape  of 
the  objects. 

4.  The  coloring  should  be  suitable  to  the  varied 
forms. 

5.  The  perspective  should  be  correctly  con- 
ceived. 

[206] 


PAINTING 


6.  The  representation  should  be  in  conformity 
with  the  style  selected. 

According  to  later  authorities,  the  only  artists 
who  could  abide  judgment  by  the  high  standards 
of  these  canons  were  Lu  T’an-wei,  Wei  Hsieh, 
and  three  others.  Even  such  a great  artist  as 
Ku  K’ai-chih  is  relegated  to  the  third  class.  It 
was,  indeed,  a lofty  ideal  to  set  forth  at  such  an 
early  stage  in  the  development  of  pictorial  art  in 
China.  It  has  been  at  once  the  inspiration  and 
the  despair  of  succeeding  generations. 


VI 


PAINTING 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  previous  lectures  that 
the  artistic  heritage  of  China  differs  widely  from 
that  to  which  the  Occident  has  succeeded  from 
Greece;  but  in  no  particular  is  the  divergence 
wider  than  in  the  estimate  of  the  human  body  as 
a motive.  Gardner  says  that  “as  it  was  man  who 
specially  interested  the  Greeks,  it  was  to  the 
study  of  the  human  body,  both  in  itself  and  as 
the  abode  of  the  spirit,  that  the  Greek  artist 
especially  devoted  himself.  In  the  fifth  and 
fourth  centuries  he  made  rapid  and  uninterrupted 
progress  in  the  knowledge  of  this  body  in  every 
position  of  rest  and  action,  from  the  extreme 
tension  of  the  battle  and  the  palaestra  to  the  com- 
plete repose  of  the  reclining  position.”  This  is 
the  tradition  that  has  held  continuous  sway  over 
the  minds  of  our  artists  and  critics.  Berenson 
adheres  to  the  principle  and  says: 

“The  human  figure  must  be  the  principal  material 
out  of  which  the  graphic  and  plastic  arts  are 
constructed.  Every  other  visible  thing  should 
be  subordinate  to  man  and  submitted  to  his 
standards.  The  standards  concerned  are  stand- 

1208] 


PAINTING 


“ards  of  happiness,  not  the  happiness  of  the  figure 
portrayed,  but  of  us  who  look  on  and  perceive. 
This  feeling  of  happiness  is  produced  by  the  way 
the  human  figure  is  presented  to  us,  and  it  must 
be  presented  in  such  a way  that,  instead  of 
merely  recognizing  it  as  meant  for  a human 
being  of  a given  type,  we  shall  be  forced  by  its 
construction  and  modeling  to  dwell  upon  it 
until  it  arouses  in  ourselves  ideated  sensations 
that  shall  make  us  experience  the  diffused  sense 
of  happiness  which  results  from  our  becoming 
aware  of  an  unexpectedly  intensified,  facilitated 
activity.” 

A similar  opinion  relative  to  our  western  art  of 
painting  has  been  expressed  by  Kenyon  Cox,  who 
says  that  “the  highest  subject  for  the  exercise 
of  the  greatest  powers  of  a painter  is  the  human 
figure,  nude  or  so  draped  as  to  express  its  structure 
and  movement.”  These  three  quotations  fairly 
and  fully  state  a fundamental  canon  of  our  western 
artistic  method  and  interpretation. 

I am  entering  into  no  controversy  as  to  art 
values  when  I endeavor  to  make  clear  that 
Chinese  painting  does  not  accept  this  canon  and 
at  all  stages  of  its  development  would  have  been 
horrified  at  its  claims.  It  places  man  as  a small 
part  of  creation.  It  sees  him  waging  a losing 
fight  against  the  superior  powers  which  surround 

[209] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


him  during  life  and  finally  succumbing  to  the 
inglorious  triumph  of  disease  and  death.  It  sees 
some  of  the  noblest  spirits  incarnated  in  frail, 
ungainly  bodies  and  shining  through  unhandsome 
features.  It  sees  sensuous  beauty  beaming  on 
the  comely  faces  of  courtesans  and  profligates. 
Then  it  becomes  more  than  ever  convinced  that 
it  is  the  beauty  of  righteousness  that  is  worth 
while  and  that  man  and  his  body  can  serve  as 
high  artistic  motives  only  in  so  far  as  their 
delineation  will  contribute  to  such  pleasurable 
emotions  as  are  consistent  with  virtue.  The 
Chinese  would  not  recognize  this  difference  of 
viewpoint  as  a contest  between  the  moralist  and 
the  artist  but  would  insist  that  it  is  solely  a 
matter  of  artistic  values,  in  which  it  is  necessary 
to  recognize  clearly  the  distinction  between  the 
greater  glory  of  the  wide  universe  and  the  lesser 
splendor  of  man. 

Chinese  artists,  far  from  being  averse  to  the 
portrayal  of  human  figures,  were  ardently  de- 
voted to  it;  they  insisted  only  that  there  should 
be  some  pleasurable  emotion  excited  in  the  be- 
holder, other  than  sensuous.  There  is  a portrait 
on  paper  by  Liu  Shan,  of  the  T’ang  dynasty. 
The  figure  is  that  of  a tall,  sturdy  man  of  middle 
age  with  long-flowing  beard.  He  is  garbed  in 
loose,  coarse  robes,  bound  at  the  waist  with  a 

[210] 


PORTRAIT  OF  KUO  TZU-I,  BY  LIU  SHAN, 
T’ANG  DYNASTY 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


girdle  of  braided  straw.  His  hands  are  clasped 
in  front  of  him,  and  over  his  left  arm  hangs  a long, 
narrow  food-basket.  His  bare  feet  are  heavy  and 
ill-shapen,  as  if  swollen  from  hard  travel.  On  his 
head  is  a priest’s  cap.  The  portrait  is  that  of  the 
famous  T’ang  general  Kuo  Tzu-i  (a.d.  697-781), 
said  to  have  been  seven  feet  two  inches  in  height 
and  fond  of  wearing  the  coarse  garments  of  a 
Taoist  priest  when  off  duty.  The  lines  of  the 
brush  are  thick  and  strong,  and  the  ink  is  glossy 
and  deep.  It  is  an  imaginative  sketch,  hsieh-i, 
and  not  careful,  delicate  work,  kung-pi.  The 
strength  of  soul  and  dignity  of  body  of  the  great 
general  stir  the  emotions.  There  is  an  almost 
barbaric  strength  in  the  massive  figure.  The 
artist  has  caught  the  determined,  relentless  spirit 
of  the  general  and  has  shown  himself  a master  of 
portraiture.  Li  Kung-lin,  of  the  Sung  dynasty, 
copied  one  of  his  pictures,  Kuan  I t'u — “ Watching 
the  Game  of  War”— but,  as  far  as  I know,  neither 
the  original  nor  the  copy  has  survived.  A figure 
similar  to  this  portrait  by  Liu  Shan  is  given 
by  Petrucci  in  Les  peintres  chinois  (where  it  is 
wrongly  described  as  a portrait  of  Lii  Tung-pin) 
and  has  been  exhibited  in  the  Metropolitan 
Museum,  New  York.  It  lacks,  however,  the 
ruggedness  of  Liu’s  work,  as  may  readily  be  seen 
by  a comparison  of  the  silken  girdle,  well-arranged 

[212] 


PAINTING 


cap,  and  shapely  bag  on  arm  with  the  coarser 
objects  used  in  this  portrait.  The  finer  articles 
are  out  of  keeping  with  the  general  intent  of  the 
portrait,  as  is  also  the  weak  poise  of  the  head 
contrasted  with  the  resolute  attitude  when  the 
head  is  slightly  thrown  back.  The  portrait  is 
signed  P'eng-lai , which  was  the  style  of  Liu  Shan. 
It  also  bears  two  seals  of  the  artist. 

There  is  such  a high  standard  in  the  portrayal 
of  human  figures,  jen  wu , that  one  passes  easily 
from  this  division  to  that  of  so-called  religious 
pictures,  shih  tao.  As  a matter  of  fact,  there 
seems  no  reason  for  an  arbitrary  separation  into 
two  divisions  by  the  author  of  Hsiian  Ho  Hua  P'u, 
and  it  has  not  been  generally  adopted  in  other 
books.  The  naturalness  of  transition  from  one 
class  to  the  other  mav  be  seen  by  reference  to  a 
picture  of  Kuan  Yin,  goddess  of  mercy,  which  is 
attributed  to  Wu  Tao-tzii.  The  painting  is  from 
one  of  the  Jehol  temples,  to  which  it  was  pre- 
sented by  the  emperor  Ch’ien  Lung.  It  is  on 
thick  white  paper,  which  has  been  thoroughly 
sized  by  the  use  of  blanc  de  Chine  and  a thin  solu- 
tion of  glue.  The  life-size  figure  stands  with 
bare  feet  on  a cloud-shaped  rock.  Her  flowing 
robes  and  underskirt  are  blown  by  the  wind.  The 
shapely  hands  are  crossed  gracefully  in  front  of 
the  body,  revealing  long  delicate  fingers.  At  her 

hi  3] 


PAINTING 


right  side  a white  dove  flutters,  carrying  in  its 
beak  a rosary.  Under  it  is  Shan  Ts’ai,  the  faith- 
ful attendant  of  the  goddess.  To  the  left  is 
another  rock  with  one  side  carved  in  the  shape  of 
a panel,  on  which  is  the  signature  of  Wu  Tao-tzu — 
T'ang  W u Tao-tzu,  pi.  The  use  of  the  name  of  the 
dynasty  before  the  name  of  a person  was  not 
uncommon  in  the  T’ang  period.  Around  the 
heads  of  the  goddess  and  attendant  are  halos. 
The  colors  are  rich  and  their  combination  striking. 
The  robe  of  the  goddess  is  clear,  deep  blue  with 
mauve,  embroidered  underskirt.  Her  head-gear 
has  blue  drapery  and  a tall  front  piece  in  which  is 
a touch  of  brilliant  red.  Red  is  again  used  as  the 
color  of  the  pendant  which  hangs  from  a necklace 
of  gold-colored  yellow.  The  face,  breast,  hands, 
and  feet  are  of  shell-white.  The  halo  is  of  blue 
and  gold,  and  the  rocky  pedestal  red-brown  with 
blue  and  gold  edges.  The  small  attendant  stands 
on  a lotus  petal,  blue  underneath  and  rose-lined. 
The  boldness  of  the  contrasting  colors  is  worthy  of 
a goddess  or  of  a rising  sun,  but  does  not  detract 
in  the  least  from  the  benevolent,  gracious  counte- 
nance, which  radiates  calm  content. 

A religious  picture  of  the  greatest  importance 
is  a copy  on  silk  of  a screen  painting,  p'ing  hua , by 
Lu  T’an-wei.  This  picture  belonged  to  the  Li 
family,  by  whom  it  was  lent  for  many  years  to 

[215] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Tuan  Fang.  During  the  Boxer  trouble,  in  1900, 
it  disappeared  but  was  later  found  in  the  home  of 
a servant  who  had  carried  it  away  for  safe-keeping 
but  who  was  not  able  to  preserve  from  vandalism 
the  valuable  annotation  on  the  side  of  the  painting 
by  Wang  Yuan-t’ing.  Fortunately  the  circum- 
stances under  which  this  painting  was  produced 
have  been  narrated  by  Su  Shih,  the  poet  (a.d. 
1036-1101),  in  his  comments  on  the  Chiao-hsi 
Kai-kung  Hall.  From  these  comments  we  learn 
that  there  was  a painting  by  Lu  T’an-wei,  who 
lived  in  the  Liu  Sung  dynasty  of  the  fifth  century, 
on  a screen  in  the  Kan  Lu  Temple  at  Jun-chow. 
The  modern  name  of  this  temple  is  Ch’ao  An  Ssu, 
and  it  stands  on  the  Pei  Ku  hills  in  Tan-tu  hsien 
near  Chin-kiang.  This  screen  painting  was  pre- 
served carefully  in  the  midst  of  the  many  devastat- 
ing wars  which  laid  waste  the  country-side.  The 
emperor  Shen  Tsung,  of  the  Northern  Sung 
dynasty,  heard  of  it  and  commanded  a member 
of  the  Imperial  Academy  of  Painting  to  go  to  the 
temple  and  make  a copy.  This  was  in  a.d.  1076. 
When  it  was  completed  and  brought  to  the  palace, 
the  emperor  had  it  hung  in  his  banqueting  hall  and 
wrote  the  following  eulogy  in  its  honor:  “Haughty 
are  the  eyes  of  the  lion,  prominent  is  the  nose. 
His  mane  is  ruffled,  his  tongue  is  swollen,  and  his 
teeth  slightly  protrude.  The  feet  are  dancing, 

[216] 


[217] 


THE  LION  AND  BARBARIANS,  AFTER  LU  T’AN-WEI 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


the  ears  are  pricked  up,  he  looks  to  the  right 
while  he  still  watches  to  the  left.  He  is  pleased 
with  the  appearance  of  his  tail.  Though  fierce,  yet 
he  is  gentle.  Such  playfulness  hung  in  the  Main 
Hall  has  the  effect  of  adding  a guest  to  the  festive 
board.  Alas!  a hundred  wandering  souls  drop 
into  oblivion,  while  the  early  Master  Lu  remains 
wonderful.”  The  purport  of  this  painting  is  to 
show  the  triumph  of  Buddhism,  represented  by 
the  human-faced  lion,  even  among  the  barbaric 
frontier  tribes.  The  posture  of  the  central  figure 
is  striking.  His  pelisse,  stretched  wide  in  his 
hands,  resembles  wings.  He  is  so  alive  that  it 
looks  as  if  he  would  walk  straight  out  from  the 
picture. 

There  is  a painting  of  a priest  in  contemplation, 
by  Wen  Hsiin  (a.d.  1050),  which  is  a near  ap- 
proach to  our  western  oil  painting.  The  back- 
ground is  wholly  covered  with  a dark  color,  so 
that  no  part  of  the  silk  can  be  seen.  This  method 
is  called  shua-seh , “color-washed.”  The  sketch 
is  of  a young  priest  seated  on  a rock,  while  his 
attendant  is  in  a stooping  position  pouring  water 
from  a vase.  One  knee  is  drawn  up  over  the 
other  and  held  by  his  clasped  hands.  His  head 
is  slightly  turned  to  the  right.  The  eyes  are 
bright,  as  might  be  expected  of  a youthful  devotee. 
His  robe  is  white,  while  over  his  left  shoulder  hangs 

[218] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


his  richly  colored  camlet  cloak.  The  contour  of 
the  body  under  the  clothes  seems  distinct,  although 
there  are  no  lines  to  indicate  it.  This  lack  of 
structure  in  a portrait  belongs  to  the  class  of 
“boneless  pictures,”  mu-ku  hua;  and  the  artist, 
Wen  Hsiin,  was  one  of  the  best  exponents  of  that 
style.  The  portrait  is  a noble  example  of  “a  con- 
ception which  possesses  harmony  and  vitality,” 
as  prescribed  by  the  first  canon  of  Hsieh  Ho.  The 
name  of  the  priest  is  unknown,  but  his  life-story 
could  be  written  from  the  artist’s  delineation  of 
him.  Carlyle  says,  “Often  I have  found  a por- 
trait superior  in  instruction  to  half  a dozen  written 
biographies.” 

The  fondness  for  portraiture  has  been  with  some 
artists  only  one  step  in  the  direction  of  their  ideal 
in  depicting  historical  tales.  This  has  had  an 
overpowering  attraction  for  them,  just  as  it  had 
for  Rembrandt,  who  preferred  to  paint  scenes  from 
the  Old  Testament  and  the  life  of  Christ,  while  his 
admirers  clamored  for  portraits.  The  “literary 
subject”  has  never  been  tabooed  in  China  as  a 
weak  motive;  on  the  contrary,  it  has  been  a fruit- 
ful source  of  artistic  inspiration.  This  was  illus- 
trated in  the  pictographs  of  the  Wu  family 
funerary  chambers  and  again  appears  at  the  end 
of  the  fourth  century  in  the  paintings  of  Ku  K’ai- 
chih.  The  scroll  “Admonitions,”  in  the  British 

[220] 


PAINTING 


Museum,  depicts  scenes  which  grow  out  of  the 
advice  given  by  Chang  Hua  to  the  empress  during 
the  reign  of  Wu  Ti  (a.d.  265-290).  Chang  Hua 
said:  “In  the  reign  of  Yuan  Ti,  when  a bear 
escaped  from  its  cage,  the  empress  Feng  boldly 
faced  it.  Was  not  this  woman  fearless  in  the  face 
of  death  ?”  Ku  K’ai-chih  pictorialized  this  scene 
in  the  first  paragraph  of  his  scroll.  The  empress 
stands  between  the  bear  and  the  emperor,  seeking 
to  protect  him  while  two  attendants  rush  forward 
to  slay  it.  Every  scene  of  the  scroll  represents  a 
different  historical  incident  which  has  no  connec- 
tion with  what  precedes  or  follows  it.  The  sole 
connection  is  found  in  the  collocation  of  these 
incidents  in  the  “Admonitions,”  written  by 
Chang  Hua. 

A “literary  subject”  is  also  depicted  by  Ku 
K’ai-chih  in  the  scroll  formerly  owned  by  Tuan 
Fang  and  now  in  the  remarkable  collection  of 
Mr.  Charles  L.  Freer.  This  scroll  is  called  “The 
Lo  Goddess,”  Lo  Shen,  and  illustrates  scenes  from 
a poem  on  this  same  topic  by  a Han  dynasty  poet, 
Ts’ao  Chih.  It  has  been  beautifully  illustrated  in 
the  Japanese  publication  Kokka.  The  opinion 
has  been  expressed  to  me  by  an  eminent  Chinese 
scholar,  Mr.  Wang  Tsung-lieh,  that  this  scroll  does 
not  represent  scenes  from  the  Lo  Shen  poem  but 
illustrates  the  river  excursion  of  Mu  Wang,  Mu 

[221] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Wang  Yu  Ho.  I am  inclined  to  agree  with  Mr. 
Wang’s  opinion,  for  I have  seen  a painting  of  the 
Lo  Shen  by  Chao  Jung,  Yiian  dynasty,  which 
depicts  high  officers  standing  on  the  bank  to 
receive  the  goddess  emerging  from  the  water. 
This  is  the  scene  which  one  would  form  in  his  mind 
from  reading  the  poem  rather  than  that  which  is 
found  in  this  scroll.  But  whatever  may  be  the 


BIRDS  ON  A PRUNUS  BRANCH 


correct  version  of  the  incident  depicted,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  scroll  is  based  upon  historical 
fact  and  not  upon  some  procession  seen  by  the 
artist. 

One  other  example  of  the  portrayal  of  historical 
tales  is  the  “Nine  Songs’’  scroll,  chin  ko , by  Li 
Kung-lin,  Sung  dynasty,  in  the  Government 
Museum,  Peking.  This  was  one  of  the  “Four 
Beauties,”  ssu.  met  chii,  of  the  emperor  Ch’ien 
Lung.  It  illustrates  a part  of  the  famous  poem 
Li  Sao — “Falling  into  Trouble” — composed  by 

[222] 


PAINTING 


Ch’ii  Yuan  (b.c.  332-295).  The  poem  is  an 
allegory  describing  the  search  for  a good  prince 
who  will  administer  just  government.  The  first 
scene  is  that  of  Tung  Huang  T’ai  I,  a god  of  the 
ancient  kingdom  Ch’u;  the  next  is  that  of  Yiin 
Chung  Chun,  the  god  of  the  clouds;  the  next  is 
that  of  Siang  Chun,  the  father  of  the  two  women, 
Siang  fu-jen,  who  are  depicted  in  the  following 
scene.  These  two  women  have  been  much  dis- 
cussed in  the  literature  of  China,  but  they  are 
generally  supposed  to  represent  the  two  sisters 
who  became  the  wives  of  the  ancient  emperor 
Shun.  The  next  three  scenes  are  of  Ta  Ssu  Ming, 
Hsiao  Ssu  Ming,  and  Tung  Chun,  all  of  them 
being  deities  of  the  Ch’u  kingdom,  which  is  the 
country  included  in  the  modern  provinces  of 
Hu-nan  and  Hu-peh.  The  next  scene  is  that  of 
Ho  Po,  the  old  man  of  the  river;  this  is  fol- 
lowed by  Shan  Kuei,  the  god  of  the  hills.  The 
picture  of  Kuo  Shang,  the  martyr,  is  very  striking 
and  forms  a good  ending  to  this  scroll,  though 
another  scene — that  of  the  sacrificial  spirit,  Li 
Hun — might  have  been  added  to  complete  the  tale. 

Landscape  has  had  a greater  attraction  for  a 
Chinese  artist  than  any  other  division  of  painting. 
It  has  suited  his  philosophy,  his  manner  of  life,  and 
his  love  of  inexactitude.  Human  figures,  images 
of  gods,  animals  and  birds,  boats  and  bridges — 

[223] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


everything  that  the  fancy  of  the  artist  could 
think  of  was  placed  in  his  scenery. 

Fancy,  high  commissioned,  send  her, 

She  has  vassals  to  attend  her. 

She  will  bring  in  spite  of  frost 
Beauties  that  the  earth  hath  lost. 


All  the  heaped  autumn’s  wealth 
With  a stiff,  mysterious  stealth 

Thou  shalt  at  one  glance  behold 
The  daisy  and  the  marigold. 

The  nature  which  he  depicted  was  that  described 
by  Aristotle:  “Nature  is  not  the  outward  world 
of  created  things;  it  is  the  creative  force,  the  pro- 
ductive principle  of  the  universe.”  Its  possible 
moods  were  not  confined  to  those  which  had  come 
under  the  observation  of  the  artist  but  were  as 
unlimited  as  the  bounds  of  his  imagination.  He 
could  invade  the  courts  and  pavilions  of  the  for- 
bidden palaces,  he  could  set  men  and  women  amid 
surroundings  distant  from  him,  and  he  could 
combine  into  one  view  the  attractions  of  several 
places.  He  appropriated  to  himself  the  whole 
world  in  the  spirit  of  Emerson,  who  said  that 
“though  fields  and  farms  belong  to  this  man  or 
that,  the  landscape  is  no  man’s  property.” 

[224] 


PAINTING 


Wang  Wei  (a.d.  699-759),  in  whose  style  the 
Southern  School  of  landscapists  painted,  was  an 
official  in  early  life,  but  had  a stormy  career,  owing 
to  his  persecution  by  the  rebel  An  Lu-shan.  He 
finally  retired  to  his  native  hills  in  northern 
Shan-si,  where  he  lived  alone,  his  wife  having  died 
while  he  was  still  young.  He  built  for  himself  a 
modest  house,  in  which  he  wrote  poetry  and 
painted.  His  most  famous  work  is  the  landscape 
scroll  and  the  poem,  both  entitled  “Wang  Ch’uan.” 
In  poem  and  picture  he  put  palaces  on  the  side  of 
the  barren  hills  around  him,  peopled  them  with 
distinguished  guests,  surrounded  them  with  deer 
parks  and  groves  of  the  graceful  bamboo,  which 
could  not  grow  in  the  inhospitable  climate  of  those 
northern  hills,  assembled  poets  and  litterateurs 
on  the  banks  of  beautiful  streams  flowing  through 
the  valleys  and,  in  fact,  took  entire  possession  of 
his  surroundings  and  metamorphosed  them  into 
the  delectable  mountains  of  his  own  unfettered 
spirit.  In  one  paragraph  he  represents  a grove 
in  which  is  a house  without  roof,  in  which  he  could 
sit  free  from  interruption  and  enjoy  music  in  the 
moonlight.  The  poet  sang  of  the  artist’s  picture: 

Sitting  alone  where  the  bamboo  grows 
The  harp  sings  to  me  its  sweet  tune, 

Hid  by  the  trees  where  no  man  knows 
I am  greeted  with  light  from  the  moon. 

[225] 


PAINTING 


A profound  impression  of  the  mystery  of  nature 
and  its  irresistible  powers  controlled  the  thoughts 
and  filled  the  imagination  of  Chinese  landscapists. 

Hushed  by  the  silence  of  infinity, 

I vaguely  feel  those  rhythmic  lines  that  roll 
In  singing  cadence  from  the  brush-sweep  free, 
Hold  symbols  of  the  surge  of  that  vast  soul, 
The  ever-poised  and  ever-whirling  Whole, 
Singing  creation’s  endless  melody. 

— Rolla  Prideaux 

These  artists  would  have  adopted  as  their  own 
the  statement  of  Herbert  Spencer  that  “amid  the 
mysteries  which  become  the  more  mysterious  the 
more  they  are  thought  about,  there  will  remain 
the  one  absolute  certainty  that  man  is  ever  in  the 
presence  of  an  infinite  and  eternal  energy  from 
which  all  things  proceed.”  This  frame  of  mind 
is  revealed  in  the  famous  landscape  by  Kuan 
T’ung,  the  name  of  which  corresponds  to  Tenny- 
son’s line  “A  ridge  of  heaped  hills.”  Several 
annotators,  among  whom  is  the  Yuan  dynasty 
artist  Ni  Tsan,  have  called  attention  to  the  great- 
ness of  Kuan’s  work  as  lying  in  his  power  to 
spiritualize  a landscape  and  to  breathe  into  it  the 
breath  of  life,  without  resorting  to  the  expedient 
of  introducing  figures  in  order  to  accomplish  this 
result.  In  this  landscape,  which  formerly  be- 
longed to  the  noted  collector  Feng  Tzu-yiin,  of 

[227] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Canton,  and  is  now  in  the  collection  of  Professor 
Vladimir  Simkhovitch,  hill  is  piled  on  hill,  like 
Ossa  on  Pelion.  A waterfall  pours  down  into  a 
small  valley  on  one  side,  and  a broad  stream,  on 
the  other,  flows  past  the  overhanging  cliff's.  Small 
houses  are  on  the  bank  of  the  stream,  and  beauti- 
ful temples  crown  the  summits  of  nearer  hills,  but 
these  seem  an  insignificant  part  of  the  grand  mood 
of  nature  which  overspreads  the  whole  landscape. 

Landscape  reached  its  highest  development 
in  the  Sung  dynasty  (a.d.  960-1277),  and  the 
annals  of  the  period  record  the  paintings  of 
several  great  masters.  Kuo  Hsi  was  one  of 
them.  His  scroll  “Mountain  Scenery,”  in  the 
Metropolitan  Museum,  New  York,  came  from 
the  collection  of  Wu  Jung-kuan  and  bears  the 
seals  of  such  critics  as  Wu  Yiin  and  Keng  Hsin- 
kung.  It  represents  the  scenery  of  western  China 
in  Sze-ch’uan  province.  On  these  hill  roads  Kuo 
introduces  travelers,  as  is  his  usual  practice.  A 
splendid  specimen  of  the  work  of  Li  Ch’eng  was 
exhibited  in  the  Art  Institute  of  Chicago,  Novem- 
ber, 1917,  from  the  collection  of  Mr.  Freer.  Ma 
Yuan  and  Hsia  Kuei,  in  the  Southern  Sung  pe- 
riod, painted  chiefly  the  landscapes  which  were  in- 
spired from  views  of  the  West  Lake,  Hang-chow. 
There  are  precipitous  hills  with  perpendicular 
drops;  pine  and  fir  trees  abound.  From  his 

[228] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


habit  of  putting  one  corner  of  a gnarled  tree  or  one 
corner  of  the  roof  of  a house  on  the  edge  of  a 
picture  Ma  Yuan  is  often  spoken  of  as  the  “one- 
cornered  Ma,”  Ma  I-chioh.  Hsia  Kuei  usually 
painted  with  thinner  ink  than  Ma,  but  in  most 
respects  their  styles  are  the  same.  Both  were 
prolific  workers,  and  there  are  several  extant 
specimens  of  their  magnificent  landscapes. 

No  division  of  painting  lent  itself  so  readily  to 
the  slavery  of  brush  strokes  as  landscape,  and  none 
has  contributed  so  much  to  the  loss  of  artistic 
inspiration.  The  brush  strokes  of  Shen  Chou, 
Wen  Cheng-ming,  and  T’ang  Yin,  of  the  Ming 
dynasty,  or  of  the  four  Wangs,  Wu,  and  Yiin,  of 
the  late  Manchu  dynasty,  are  as  good  as  may  be 
found  in  the  great  masters  of  the  Sung  dynasty; 
but  their  pictures  lack  inspiration  and  vitality. 
Wang  Hui  (a.d.  1632-1720)  had  a marvelous  con- 
trol of  the  brush,  but  his  paintings  are  those  of  a 
dilettante  “sipping  the  nectar  of  existence  while  he 
keeps  aloof  from  its  deeper  interests.”  His  are  wen 
jen  hua — paintings  of  literary  men — in  which  style, 
brush  technique,  and  design  are  of  the  best  stand- 
ards. All  that  is  lacking  is  what  can  least  be 
spared — -life.  His  work  smells  of  the  oil  lamp  of  the 
studio  and  has  none  of  the  fragrance  of  the  open. 

A lighter  touch  is  apparent  in  the  painting  of 
Mongolian  horses.  I have  seen  in  the  collec- 

[230] 


PAINTING 


tion  of  Mr.  Hsu  Ch’i,  Peking,  the  painting  of  a 
horse  which  eminent  authorities — including  Chang 
Ch’uan-shan,  eighteenth  century — claim  was  made 
in  the  T’ang  dynasty.  The  horse  has  six  hoofs, 
two  of  them  on  the  front  legs  growing  out  of  the 
fetlocks.  This  type  is  noted  for  swiftness.  The 
painting  is  on  silk  and  is  full  of  life.  A curious 
picture  by  Chang  Hsiian,  of  the  T’ang  dynasty,  is 
mentioned  in  the  “Collection  of  Hsiian  Ho.” 
It  is  of  a Japanese  woman  riding  a horse,  Jih-pen 
nil  ch’i,  but  there  is  no  description  of  it  in  this 
“Collection,”  nor  have  I seen  any  reference  to  it 
in  any  other  book.  It  is  interesting  because  it  is 
the  earliest  reference  in  Chinese  art  literature  to 
the  Japanese  that  I have  seen.  A remarkable 
horse  painting  is  that  of  Yang  Pang-chi,  of  the 
Chin  dynasty  (a.d.  1115-1260).  This  is  from 
the  famous  collection  of  Ts’ao  San-to,  of  T’ai-ku 
hsien,  Shan-si  province.  It  compares  favorably 
with  the  well-known  painting  of  a similar  subject 
by  Albert  Cuyp  in  the  Munich  Gallery.  A 
Mongol  is  riding  a light-bay,  spirited  pacer, 
decked  out  with  complete  trappings.  The  rider 
wears  a greenish-colored,  close-fitting  jacket  with 
fur  collar.  His  skirt  also  has  a border  of  fur,  and 
the  saddle  is  covered  with  a tiger  skin.  Red 
tassels  dangle  from  the  horse’s  bridle  and  from 
the  man’s  white  cap.  In  the  background  is  an 

[231] 


A TARTAR  HORSEMAN’,  BY  YANG  PANG-CHI,  CHIN  DYNASTY 


PAINTING 


overhanging  green  willow,  behind  which  the  land- 
scape stretches  out  to  a great  depth.  The  paint- 
ing has  a concealed  signature,  an  k'uan , from 
which  the  name  of  this  little-known  painter  is 
revealed.  The  same  type  of  horses  is  seen  in  the 
“Three  Horses,”  san  ma  t’u,  by  the  three  genera- 
tions of  the  Chao  family.  The  first  and  best  is  by 
Chao  Meng-fu  and  is  dated  a.d.  1318,  fourth  year 
of  Yen  Yu:  the  other  two  are  by  Chao’s  son  and 
grandson  and  are  both  dated  1360.  Each  repre- 
sents a horse  being  led  by  a halter.  The  men  are 
Mongols.  The  horses  have  heavy  bodies  and 
short,  slender  legs,  like  the  Mongolian  ponies  of 
the  present  day.  This  painting  is  from  the  collec- 
tion of  Mr.  Ching  Hsien,  who  was  connected  with 
Tuan  Fang  for  many  years  and  was  trusted  by 
him  as  an  expert  adviser  on  paintings. 

The  art  of  line  and  tone  is  most  perfectly  com- 
bined with  harmony  of  color  in  the  painting  of 
birds  and  flowers,  hua  niao , or  hua  hui , as  it  is 
now  popularly  called.  In  this  style  of  work  artists 
have  exhibited  the  delicacy  of  their  brush  work 
without  causing  any  suspicion  of  pedantry,  while 
at  the  same  time  their  refinement  of  feeling  is 
evident  in  their  eschewal  of  strong  colors.  What  a 
temptation  to  let  loose  a riot  of  color  in  the  paint- 
ing of  a peacock!  This  was  spurned  by  the  un- 
known artist  of  the  Sung  dynasty  who  painted 

[233] 


THE  THREE  HORSES,  BY  CHAO  MENG-FU,  HIS  SON,  AND  HIS 
GRANDSON,  YUAN  DYNASTY 


[234] 


PAINTING 


“The  Peacock,”  which  is  in  the  University 
Museum,  Philadelphia.  The  dignity  of  posture 
is  evidenced  by  the  graceful  curves  of  the  neck 
and  the  poise  of  the  head,  as  well  as  by  the  half- 
opened  tail,  but  this  charm  would  have  been  lost 
entirely  by  any  extravagance  in  the  use  of  colors. 
The  variegated  colors  of  the  eyelike  spots  of  the 
tail  coverts  and  the  rich  blue  of  the  neck  and 
breast  are  in  soft  tones,  which  delight  but  do  not 
confuse  the  observer.  This  same  frugality  in  the 
use  of  colors  is  seen  in  a painting  by  Tiao  Kuan-yin, 
tenth  century,  who  resided  in  Sze-ch’uan  province, 
where  flowers  are  abundant.  It  is  a large  picture 
in  which  six  double  peonies,  pink,  red,  and  white, 
are  on  a background  of  green  branches  and  brown 
rocks  with  gilded  edges.  The  colors  blend  into 
harmony  without  loss  of  effect,  while  the  space- 
filling size  of  the  peonies  is  relieved  by  a contrast 
of  a few -pear  blossoms.  This  wonderful  picture  is 
in  the  collection  of  Mr.  Ching  Hsien  and  formerly 
belonged  to  Shen  Po-hsi.  Cleveland  Museum 
has  a fine  painting  of  “Nine  Autumns,”  which  is 
attributed  to  Hsu  Hsi,  of  the  Five  Dynasties,  by 
an  attached  label  of  the  emperor  Ch’ien  Lung. 
The  name  of  the  picture  is  a poetical  reference  to 
the  autumnal  season  of  a prosperous,  fruitful  year. 
The  colors  are  delicate  even  to  the  verge  of  somber- 
ness, but  this  is  offset  by  the  brilliant  red  feet  of  a 

[235] 


PAINTING 


small  bird  in  the  foreground.  This  picture  is 
referred  to  in  Shih  Kti  T’ang  as  “Nine  Colors,” 
chiu-se  t’u,  but  there  is  only  one  color  which  is 
outstanding — the  red — and  that  was  used  only 
in  contrast. 

There  is  naturalness  as  well  as  life  and  beauty 
in  this  type  of  painting.  A Sung  artist  painted 
“A  Pheasant  under  a Peach  Tree,”  in  which  the 
amber-colored  crest,  the  glossy  scarlet  breast,  the 
white-ringed  neck,  and  the  golden  yellow  feathers 
of  the  long  tail  are  set  in  contrast  with  the  soft 
shades  of  peach  blossoms.  “A  Pair  of  Egrets 
among  Lotus  Flowers”  has  a background  of  varied 
colors,  which  brings  out  the  white  plumage  of  the 
egrets  balancing  with  the  pink  shades  of  lotus 
flowers.  “The  Four  Magpies”  is  a large  painting 
of  the  Sung  dynasty.  White-breasted  birds  are 
disporting  themselves  on  the  branches  of  an  old 
tree,  over  which  is  a creeping  vine  with  white 
flowers.  In  a well-known  scroll,  the  Primus  is 
painted  in  its  four  stages  of  development — first 
with  wintry  branches,  then  with  flowers  and  no 
leaves,  again  with  flowers  and  leaves,  and  lastly 
in  its  spring  appearance.  A pair  of  birds  appro- 
priate to  the  period  of  development  is  found  in 
each  of  the  four  paragraphs.  I have  seen  a Ming 
dynasty  copy  of  a beautiful  scroll  by  Chao 
Ch’ang,  eleventh  century,  in  which  birds  with  red 

[237] 


PAINTING 


breasts,  blue  crowns  and  tails,  brown  bodies,  and 
wings  tipped  white  and  black  are  hovering  on 
branches  of  prunus  and  hibiscus.  It  is  a work  of 
imaginative  beauty,  in  which  the  artist  must  have 
enjoyed  himself  even  more  than  those  who  have 
had  the  opportunity  of  seeing  the  picture.  It 
shows  an  abandon  of  mind,  while  the  brush  is 
under  perfect  control.  The  flowers  talk  to  you, 
the  birds  fly,  all  nature  is  alive;  but  there  are 
harmony  and  symmetry,  just  as  in  a symphony 
there  are  balance  and  cadence. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  single  character- 
istic of  Chinese  art,  exemplified  chiefly  in  painting, 
is  its  disposition  to  seize  upon  permanent  elements. 
George  Eliot  once  remarked  that  we  always  think 
of  a lion  as  full-grown,  not  young  or  old.  Chinese 
artists  have  the  keenness  to  appreciate  this 
quality  of  the  human  mind.  A tiger  is  fierce, 
a lion  is.  strong,  a cat  is  playful,  a horse  is  swift, 
women  are  beautiful,  men  are  dignified,  flowers 
delight,  birds  are  cheerful,  a landscape  is  mysteri- 
ous— these  are  the  outstanding  qualities.  Among 
men  the  human  relations  of  father  and  son, 
husband  and  wife,  are  universal,  but  not  the  tem- 
porary position  which  one  may  occupy.  The 
illustrious  emperor,  Ming  Huang,  of  the  T’ang 
dynasty,  had  a brilliant  court  and  was  fond  of 
elaborate  state  functions.  A picture  of  him  in 

[239] 


A STATESMAN,  SUNG  DYNASTY 


[240] 


PAINTING 


the  midst  of  regal  glory  might  be  thought  to  have 
been  the  setting  which  the  ceremonious  Chinese 
would  have  required;  but  not  so.  A Sung  artist 
depicts  him  at  a rehearsal  acting  as  conductor, 
with  the  women  players  on  one  side  and  the  men 
on  the  other.  A scroll  by  Chao  Meng-fu  repre- 
sents this  emperor  seated  in  an  open  pavilion, 
while  in  front  of  him  several  attendants  are 


EXAMINING  THE  POINTS  OF  A HORSE 


examining  the  points  of  a horse  and  reporting 
to  him.  Another  scroll,  “Instruction,”  which  is 
now  in  the  Metropolitan  Museum,  places  the 
emperor  on  a wide  couch  with  his  young  son  in 
front  hesitating  to  take  the  books  handed  to  him 
by  his  father.  This  man  who  for  a brief  span 
was  an  emperor  could  be  appreciated  for  all  time 
as  one  fond  of  music,  horses,  and  children,  and 
these  human  traits  were  such  as  would  be  found 
in  people  of  all  generations.  An  appeal  to  the 
emotional  influence  of  such  permanent  elements  is 
surer  and  quicker  than  to  the  splendor  of  any  king. 

[241] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


These  universal  qualities  of  human  nature  are 
also  the  best  fields  for  imaginative  settings,  in 
which  the  ordinary  can  be  made  resplendent  and 
the  commonplace  glorified  as  divine. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


The  following  list  has  been  prepared  by  me  in 
conjunction  with  my  friend  Mr.  Feng  En-lcun.  It 
furnishes  the  Chinese  characters  for  all  of  the  names 
used  in  the  text  of  the  lectures.  The  spelling  is  that 
used  in  Giles’  Dictionary. 


Ah  Fang  Kung  pof  jF|J  ^ 24,25 

An  I-chou  144,  150, 160 

An  k’uan  0g  233 

An  Lu-shan  ;£c  if$  |Ii 225 

Ch’ai  Yao  %% 125 

Ch’an  wen  51 

Ch’ang-an  24,43 

Chang  Ch’ien  >}f|  28 

Chang  Chih  jjg  ^ 140,142 

Chang  Ch’ou  |}g  3t 160 

Chang  Ch’uan-shan  i}g  gj 231 

Chang  Hsuan  |}g  ^ 231 

Chang  Hua  US  Jj!f 221 

Chang  Huai-kuan  jjg  tH  I® 134, 142 

Ch’ang-ko  hsien  115 

Chang  ts’ao  jfc  138 

Chang  Yen-yuan  206 

Ch’ao  An  Ssu  216 

Chao  Ch’ang  ^ || 257 

Chao  Jung  fjg 222 

Chao  Meng-chien  ^ §? 36 

Chao  Meng-fu  ]£  . . . 117,  152,  153,  154, 167, 

174,175,233,  241 

Chao  Pai-chii  ^ JjjfiJ 195 


[245] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Chao  tzu  Q ^ 154 

Chen  139 

Ch’en  |$ 16,38,43,202 

Ch’en  Chi-chai  1 jiC^ 158 

Ch’en  hsien  f* 96 

Ch’en  Liu  1 -gj 139 

Chen  mi  68 

Ch’eng  hsin  t’ang  ^ ^ 166 

Cheng-kuan  ©I  146,202 

Cheng  Lung  jE  45 

Ch’eng  Miao  fi  06 138 

Cheng  Piao  §2  ¥'] 157 

Cheng  Po  IQ 40 

Cheng  Shih  jH  |tu 104 

Cheng  Shih  Mo  Yuan  5?  165 

Ch’eng-tu  ffP  116 

Ch’eng  Wang  3S 7,21 

Ch’i  (Mount)  (ijr  |i| 21 

Chi  Chih  Piao  142 

Ch’i  Hou  $ ^ 55 

Chi  hsien  Jgf 20 

Chi  ku  chai  Chung  Ting  I Ch’i  K’uan  Chih 

mmkun&frm 37 

Chia  ^ 41,58 

Chia  ho  ^ ^ 96 

Chia-hsiang  86,89,90,104 

Chia-hsing  144 

Chia  Ssu-tao  |jf  H 140, 144 

Chia-yu  7 

Chiang  ^ 59 

Chiang-tu  £L  98 

Chiao-hsi  Kai-kung  (Hall)  B ® £ & 216 

Chiao  mo  B <£ 164 

[246] 


INDEX 


Chiao  Shan  ^ |Ij 55 

Chieh  7,  178 

Chieh  hua  |f»  178 

Chien  . 50 

Ch’ien  Hsiian  166,176,189 

Chien  K’ang  £1  87 

Ch’ien  Lung  $£  H . . .37,  57, 144, 148, 189,  195,  213, 

222,235 

Chien  Ning  ££  % 96 

Ch’ien  Tzu  Wen  ^ 146 

Chih  $jf- 50,59 

Chin  shih  ^ ^ 31,32,33 

Chin  Shih  So  ^ ^ 37 

Ching  Hao  $(]  195 

Ch’ing  Ho  fSj  160 

Ch’ing-ho  Shu  Hua  Fang  fra  M flr  isE  lift/ 160 

Ching  Hsien  172,235,233 

Ching  Ming  jjjt:  fjU 104,  1 10 

Ch’ing  pi  ts’ang  #5  M 125 

Ching-te  Chen  ^ ^ |y| 123,  124 

Ching-te  Chen  T’ao  Lu  ^ lift  (553  £& 123 

Ching  Tsung  $C  ^ 60 

Chin-kiang  fijf  ft 55,216 

Chiu  ko  fa  222 

Chiu  ko  t’u  fa  Ijffc  Pd 175 

Chiu-se  t’u  A,  & ImI 237 

Chiu  shih  fa  ^ 137 

Chiu  ting  fa  J{f{ 7,40 

Ch’iu  Ying  f)i  164, 172,  174 

Cho  Keng  Lu  |g  123, 164 

Chou  U 22,187 

Chou  Ch’iieh  Sai  fwj  ^ 102 

Chou  Fang  J23  HJi 167, 176 

[247] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Chou  Hsing-ssu  ),fj  H 141,146 

Chou  Wen  'fo  Jc 138 

Chow  Li  J,*0  |5;  40,63 

Chow  Sin  7 

Chu-ch’eng  f£  $ 20,57 

Ch’u-fu  ifli  20,57,116 

Ch’ii  hsien  i||  90, 94 

Chii  Jan  E 194,195 

Chu-ko  Liang  (Gen.)  189 

Chu  Yen  124 

Ch’ii  Yuan  JB  148,222 

Chuan  ^ 139 

Chuan  shu  ^ 137 

Chiieh  Wo  l*v 203 

Chuh  chih  Ifr  165 

Chiin  ;f? 14 

Chiin  Ku  Lu  A"  1$ 55,57 

Ch’un  Ts’iu  0 7 

Chiin  Yao  fj)  133 

Chung  |f 48,50 

Chung  ting  |f  jff{ 48 

Chung  ting  tzu  M 137 

Chung  Yu  140, 142, 145, 146 

Fah  Seng  ^ 110 

Fan  K’uan  192, 195 

Fan  ma  t’u  $ 1$  |H 175 

Fang  Pei  Lu  t#  5^  20,90 

Fang  shih  mo  p’u  3#  M iif 165 

Fei-ch’eng  UE  94 

Fei  Pai  m fl 139 

Fen  (River)  '#)• 46 

FenCh’i^S! *10 


[248] 


INDEX 


Feng  En-kun  i!§  H 245 

Feng-hsiang  # 21 

Feng  Kung-tu  $§  & JM 74 

FengTzu-yiin  ^ ^ 227 

Feng  Yiin-p’eng  i!§  ^ 38 

Feng  Yun-yiian  Wj  WZ  38 

Ful 58 

Fu  Chien  {£  §? 99 

Fu  Hsi  ^ 10,93 

Fu  Shan  [Ij 164 

Han  16, 19,  20,  22,  125 

Hanlin  162 

Han  Shu  ^ 11 

Hang-  chow  tn[  179,  228 

Ho  ^ 10,58 

Ho  Ch’ii-ping  -Jj*i 99 

Ho-nan  fu  (Sf  jf}  Jff 11,28,29,43 

Ho  Po  fpf  fg 223 

Ho  Ti  165 

Hsi  50 

Hsi-an  ® 20,24,43,60 

Hsi  Ch’ing  Ku  Chien  ® ^ T*i  37,48 

Hsi  Ch’ing  Hsu  Chien®  lira  M $£ 376 

Hsi  pi  sf£ 192 

Hsi  siang  t’u  % [gi| 175 

Hsiao  Ho  m 'fnf 26 

Hsia  Kuei  Ig 194, 195, 228,  230 

Hsiang  Yiian-pien  JJl  % 124 

Hsiao-chien  /Js  165 

Hsiao  chuan  /J\^ 137,  138 

Hsiao  fu  p’i  ts’un  /h  9r  162 

Hsiao  Hsia  Chi  yff  M 12 161 

Hsiao  shan  hua  p’u  /J>  [ii  jfc  s 2‘ 196 

[249] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Hsiao  Ssu  Ming  /J>  ^ 2 23 

Hsiao-t’ang  # ^ 94 

Hsiao  Wen  Ti  ^ %• 29,100,103,118 

Hsieh  Ho  ^ 137,206 

Hsieh-i  % -t 212 

Hsieh  Shan-kung  fu)  7% 16,36 

Hsieh  T’ao  jg? 165 

Hsien  gJi 41,46,58 

Hsien-pi  j|£  99 

Hsien-te  nien-  chih  M. 125 

Hsin  (Shen)  kuei  fU  ^ 74 

Hsin-tu  ^ 87 

Hsing  139 

Hsing  Shu  ff  ^ 139 

Hsioh  ^ 5 

Hsiung-nu  %£ 87 

Hsii  Ch’i  ^ f\t 231 

Hsii  Hsi  SR 235 

Hsii  Shen  35 

Hsuan-ho  % |q 142, 144, 150, 151, 157, 158 

Hsiian  Ho  Hua  P’u  j§[  3t  IS 156,  231, 213 

Hsiian  Ho  Po  Ku  T’u  j§[  T&  ImI 36 

Hsiian  Ho  Shu  P’u  jit  f n 37  In 144, 156 

Hsiian  Tsung  46,141 

Hsiian  Wang  ^ 21 

Hsiian  Wu  Ti  j|C  ^ if? 103 

Hu  50, 121 

Hu  Chao  #|  03 140 

Hu-  chow  t’ieh  ISj  jH  Ip/i 148 

Hua  hsiang  3c  ^ 88, 104 

Hua  Hsiin  37  IJI| 204 

Hua  hui  233 

Hua  niao  Ife  233 

[250] 


INDEX 


Huan  Kung  ^ a 55 

Huang-ch’u  142 

Huang  Chung-hui  f!f  fj»  74 

Huang  Ti  jj|  ^ 22, 128 

HuiTsung  fftgS 144,  157,  158,  174 

Hung  Kua  ii_ 86 

Hung  Tou  Shu  Kuan  Shu  Hua  Chi  j£E  S ^ ^ 

*12 162 

I # 50,58 

I-chou  JSJ 160 

I Ch’ueh  ^^3 102,110 

I Ku  Tang  T’i-pa  $ m g jg  157 

I King  M 9 

Jen  ffu  A# 186,213 

Jih-pen  nii  ch’i  0 if  $$ 231 

Ju-i  inM 78 

Jun  m 67 

Jun-  chow  '$3  M 216 


21,23,45,  157 

138 

25 

128 

216 

150 

158,161 

46 

63 

166 

203 

228 


Kai-feng  Et 

K’ai  shu  Jjf  fjf 

Kan  Ch’iian  Kung  ^ ^ . 

Kan-lan  p’ing  fit  gf  

Kan  Lu  (temple)  -Jj*  % 

K’an-shu  t’u  ^ [§1 

K’ang  Hsi  

K’ao  Ku  T’u  ^ Hi 

K’ao  Kung  Chi  ...  . 

Kao-li  chien  chih  jfij  M % 

Kao  Lu  Eg 

Keng  Hsin-kung  |A  M - • • 

[251] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Ko  M 

K’o  shih  %ij  Jj 

K’o  ting  yUfti 

Ku  

Ku  m 

Ku  K’ai-chih  M £ 

Ku  Wen  "j&  ^ 

Ku  Yu  K’ao  ^ 3t  ^ 

Ku  Yii  T’u  P’u  3£  PH  t»  . • 

Kii-yung  'bj  

Kua-p’i  lii  jQ3L  

Kuan  Chung  fR 

Kuan  Fu-jen  ^ A A 

Kuan  L t’u  fft  pH 

Kuan  Tung  £ 

Kuan  Yin  M 0 

Kublai  Khan  /ft  $ J 

Kuei  g 

Kuei-chi  ff 

Kuei  ch’ii  lai  t’u  A ^ PH  • 

K’uei  lung  §§  

Kuei  she  t’u  jj(g  4{j>  PH 

K’uei  wen  

Kung  Fu  Keng  Yu  p}  % J3E  ej 

Kung  hsien  JSS-ji 

Kung-pi  X ¥ 

Kuo  Chung-shu  §P  & 

Kuo  Hsi  

Kuo  Jo-hsii  

Kuo  Shang  |$  

Kuo  Shou-ching  $p  *$%... . 

Kuo-tzu  Chien  [$  F S 

Kuo  Tzu-i  IP  T 


58,121 

84 

55 

50 

17,50,59 

116,137,200,207,221 

138 

70 

70 

120 

64 

55 

152 

212 

195,219 

175,213 

30 

121 

202 

175 

75 

116 

51 

57 

115 

215 

187 

194, 204, 228 

191 

223 

21 

21 

175 


[252] 


INDEX 


LanT’ing  [$  ■>* 143,144 

Lao  Chun  ^ 110 

Laotse  9,203 

Lei  © 50,55 

Lei  wen  ffli 51 

Li  & 139 


T. 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 

L 


Ch’eng  195,228 

-ch’eng  hsien  f$ 115 

Hou-ehu  ifs  ^ eL 166 

96 

223 


Hsi  4-  vi 


Hun  ££  ifa 

Ki|g|B 13 

Kung-lin  =£  ft® 36-166,188,192,212,222 

Sao  Mm 142,222 

shu  ^ 137, 138 

Ssii  137, 138 

Ssu-hsiin  ^ JS  |JI| 194 

Tai  Chung  Ting  K’uan  Chih  % ft  £f  jj}{  & 36 

T’ang  25,  192,195 

Ti-mao  94 

ang  Lei  Hsien  SSIf 55 

ang  Tsiao-ling  ^ 140,  144 

en  chu  Jf$  JJfc 69 

en  chiian  $} 167 

en  HuaChing  149 

en  Hua  Kung  ^ 110 

u Kung-ch’uan  $P  IS 148 

u Shan  §1]  j]§ 165,210,212 

u Sung-nien  |?ij  Ifi-  ^ 36, 194 

u Te-shen  f?l]  ^ 140 

10 


Lo  *§■ 

Lo  Shen  & *ijJ 222 

Lo-yang  §5 28,  29, 43, 90, 102, 187 


[253] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Lii  Ta-fang  S 1^ 36 

Lu  T’an-wei  P3?  &c  f$C 207,215 

LiiTung-pin  Q ^[pJ  fjf* 212 

Luh  Hsin-yiian  ^<6® 157 

Luh  i ^ 12 

Lung-ch’iian  Yao  §{|  ^ 133 

Lung  Men  ft  PI 90,103,104,110,115 

Lung-mien  f|  Hg, 188 

Ma  chih  jftc  IE 165 

Ma  I-  chioh  - ^ 230 

Ma  p’i  ts’un  $$  194 

Ma  Yuan  194,230 

Mao-kung  ting  jffi  55 

Mei-chow  HH  jHI 46 

Mei  p ing  )fg 128 

Mei  shu  ^ $tf 13 

MengT’ien  MfS 115, 136, 144,  157, 167,  148, 154 

Mi  Fei  MKs 195 

Mi  Tzu  7^  ^ 154 

Ming  ch’ih  wu  jui  (Oi  ?tfl  3l  1$ 98 

Ming  Huang  HU  jl* 240 

Ming  mo  HUM 164 

Ming  Ti  HU  ^ 28,87 

Mo  yuan  M 136 

Mo  Yuan  Hui  Kuan  M M ffll 190 

Mu  Wang  20,222 

Mu  Wang  Y u Ho  ^ 3E  'M.  IPI 222 

Mu-yung  || 't? 99 

Mu-ku-hua  # jc 220 

Nai  Huang  Ti  ^ M 27 

Nanking  [$j  jsj> 35 

[254] 


INDEX 


NiTsan  ffcfg 184,227 

Nieh  flfj 35 

Nien  hao  46 

NIng  Shou  Chien  Ku  ^ 37 

Nii-chen  ^ 21,149,157 

0 Chiao  PrJ  164 

Ou-yang  Hsiu  jfifc  {t£ 35,86 

Ou-yang  Hsiin  P§  ;HiJ 148 

Ou-yang  Tung  P§  148 

Pa  Fen  Shu  A ^SF 138 

Pai  ma  chih  Q $jc  $£ 165 

Pai  Ma  Ssu  & JB|  # 28 

P an  $£ 50 

P’an  (family)  38 

Pan  Ch’ao  SE  0 29 

P’an  Keng  $£  Jf£ 9 

P’an  Ku  Lou  I Ch’i  K’uan  Chih  #6 

m 43 

P’an  k’uei  wen  51 

P’an  Tsu-yin  M 43,55 

Pao  'fi 46 

Pao  Ch’eng  ^ Jj$; 87 

Pao  Chi  f(  m 58 

Pao  Hui  Lu  162 

Pao-ying  'jf  J®|  98 

Pei  87,88 

Pei  Ku  (Hills)  [§I  (1| 216 

P’ei  K’uan  175 

P’ei  wen  chai  shu  hua  p’u  M M ^ 5ft  fu 158 

P’eng-lai  g 213 

Pi  M 74,76 


[255] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Pifah  

Pi  Ta-ning  ^ ^ 

Pien-lo  vT  IS 

Pin  Yang  P§ 

P’ing  IK 

P ing  Ch’eng  ^ ifc 

P'ing  hua  Jt*f  H 

Po  shan  1$  |il 

P’u  


192 

145 

45 

110 

48 

29, 99, 100,106 

215 

130 

72 


San  Huang  H :tL 

SanLiT’u  

San-ma  t’u  H |U 

San  Tai  H PC 

San-yiian  hsien  H SI 

Seng  chiian  

Shan  Kuei  lU  & 

Shan  Ts’ai  ;T 

Shang  Lin  (park)  fjc 

Shang  Shu  fi}  ^ 

Shao  Hao  'p  *f 

Shao  Hsing  Bft 

Shao  Kung  ^ 5* 

Shen  Chou  it  JAJ 

Shen  Po-hsi  

Shen-tao  ch’iieh  1$  fwj  • • . . 

Shen  Tsung  ijil|l  ^ 

Sheng  Hsiian-huai  4S  J§L  IS  • 
Shi  Huang  iij.  

shiKi  ^ne 

ShiKuT’ang  

Shih  Chou  iti  Hi 

Shih  hsiang  

[256] 


6,7 

35 

233 

38,41,42,48,70,75,121 

60 

167 

223 

215 

24 

84 

74 

36,45 

74 

164,192,230 

64,235 

90 

216 

142 

134 

19,24 

237 

53,  137,  138 

106 


INDEX 


Shih  Huang  20,24,42,136 

Shih  ku  ft  & 21 

Shih  tao  fp  j|£ 213 

Shih  Tsung  tfr  ^ 43, 125 

Shu  # 10 

Shu  chien  S3  165 

Shu  hua  ^§f  S: 32, 136 

Shu  King  ^ ^ 5, 18 

Shua  seh  JifiiJ  & 218 

Shuang  yao  & 110 

Shuang-ssu  chiian  $$  $1  167 

Shun  9,10,18,187 

Shun-hua  It 142 

Shuo  Wen  ifc  jfc. 35 

Siang  Chun  ^ 223 

Siang  Fu-jen  jffl  A 223 

Ssu-ma  Ch’ien  ^ jg 19,  29 

Ssii  mei  chii  222 

Such’e  ftifft 150 

Su-  chow  B jH 38 

SuShih  BU 150,154,216 

SuTung-p’o  B M 1$ 148,  172,  179 

Suan  yi  130 

Sui-jen  K 6 

Sung-hsiieh  pi  3 3fP 152 

Sung-yen  mo  T: 164 

Ta-  chien  ^ 166 

Ta  chuan  jz  53,  137,  138 

Ta  fu  p’i  ts’un  jz  9r  5f  194 

Ta-hsing  ^ 20 

Ta  kuei  ^ 72 

Ta-li  jz  M 19 


["57] 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Ta  Ssu  Ming  223 

Ta-F’ung  ftij 29 

Ta  Wan  ^ 29 

T’ai-an  fu  M % 88,117 

Tai  hsui  7jC 194 

T’ai-ku  hsien  ft  SS 231 

Tai  Miao  t§  j§f 117 

T’ai  Shan  ^ Ul 20,84 

T’ai  Tsung  ± 141, 142, 143, 144, 146 

Tan  ssu  chiian  "ft  168 

Tan-t’u  ft  life 120 

Tan-t’u  hsien  ft  ffc 216 

Tan-yang  J9- H 19 

T’ang  Mo  Wang  Tzu  Fen  Lah  Chih  T’a  Pen 

T ^ * 144 

T’ang  Tai  196 

T’ang  Wu  Tao-tzu  pi  ill  T ¥ 215 

T’ang  Yin  % 164,230 

T’ao  Chai  Chi  Chin  Lu  P$jJ  pf  38 

T’ao  Chai  Chi  Shill  Lu  P^)  dfe  Lj  85 

T’ao  Shuo  P/fcJ  Ufc 124,125 

Tao  Te  Ching  jjt  $& 152 

T’ao-t’i  eh  10,17,52 

T’ao  Yuan-Ying  P&J  flU 175 

Teng  %£ 121 

Teng-feng  hsien  ^ 87,115 

Tiao  Kuan-yin  J)  Jfc  )fi 235 

T’ieh  Ipfi 142 

T’ien  wang  ^ T 60 

Ting  iffl 48,55,58 

Ting-  chow  %.  4H 143 

Ting-  chow  t’ieh  /£  #|  te‘ 148 

Ting  Wu  Lan  T’ing  150  ^ 144 

[258] 


INDEX 


Ting  Yao  % % 133 

To-ba  IS  I£ 99 

Toba  Hung  IS  j#  100 

Tou  3 58 

Tou  S\- 121 

Tsa  chin  ££  ^ 58 

Ts’ai  Ching  ^ 157 

Ts’ai  Lun  H fjfr 165 

Ts’ai  Yung  137, 139 

Tsan-huang  20 

Ts’ang  Ch’ieh  fa  134,  138 

Ts’ao  1$ 139 

Ts’ao  chia  tzu  .%  ^ T* 166 

Ts’ao  Chih  W 164,  221 

Tsao  hsiang  104, 106, 108 

Ts’ao  sheng  g? 140 

Ts’ao  San-to  H 231 

Ts’ao  Shu  3^C  ^ 139 

Tsih  Ku  Lu  M £& 36 

Tsioh  16,58,59 

Tso  Chuan  M 7,41 

Tsou  I-kuei  .$b  — ffe 195,  196 

Tsou  yu  75 

Ts’u  pi  HL  !JE 192 

Tzu-yiin  (mountain)  ^ S ill 86,92 

Tsun  fa: 50,  58,  58 

Ts’un  fah  192 

Tu  |Hj 10 

Tu-jen  jg  A 148 


Tuan  Fang  Jjg  ft  . . . . 38,  55,  58,  72,  78,  85,  88,  100, 


200,  202,  216,221,233 


Tuan  pi  ja  ¥ 194 

Tun  jfc 50,58 


I259J 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Tun-huang  ^ 92, 167 

Tung-o  hsien  poj  164 

Tung  Ch’i-  ch’ang  Jr  f| 153, 154, 164 

Tung  Cho  j|  1^4. 43 

Tung  Chiin  223 

Tung  Huang  T’ai  I ^ M ic  — 223 

Tung  Pang-tah  ^ jj|. 196 

TungTzu  i§|  ^ 154 

Tung  Yuan  ^ I® 194,195 

Tzu-ang  hua  152 

Tz’u-  chou  ■i)t| 128 


Wan  Fu  % 110 

Wang  An-kuo  3:  M3 37 

Wang  An-shih  3:  j?c  Ti 36 

Wang  Chao  3:13 203 

Wang  Cheng-p’eng  3:  f||  187 

Wang  Ch’ien-ch’ang  3:  H 161 

Wang  Ch’uan  Jl| 225 

Wang  Fu  3E  ®fi 36 

Wang  Hsi-chih  ...  138, 140, 143, 144, 145, 146 

Wang  Hsien-  chih  3:  /£. 142, 146 

Wang  Hui  3:  $ft  230 

Wang  I-jung  I *8  74 

Wang  Liang  3l  203 

Wang  Meng  3i  lill 99 

Wang  Shih-cheng  J /I 166 

Wang  Shih  Shu  Hua  Yuan  3i  iSf  iS  $£ 161 

Wang  Tsi-han  3i  150 

Wang  Tsin-ch’ing  3i  ff  I^P 150 

Wang  Tsung-lieh  3:  ^ 221 

Wang  Tz’u-chung  3i  ^ -ftp 138 

Wang  Wei  Ji 142, 194, 225 


[260] 


INDEX 


Wang  Yu-ch’eng  3:  zB..  . . 

Wang  Yu-  chiin  J 
Wang  Yiian-t’ing 

Wei  (River)  ^ 

Wei  Hsieh  

Wei  hsien  

WeiT’o  

Wei  Yang  Kung  

Wen  % 

Wen  Cheng-ming  3^  PJJ  . . . 

Wen  Fang  ^ 

Wen  Hsiin  ^ fill 

Wen  jen  hua  2^  A ~tS 

Wen  Shu-yang  jS.  

Wen  Ti  ^ 

Wen  Wang  3: 

Wu  Chuan  ting  $£  !$  jft{. . . 

Wu  Chung-hsi  1R  Si 

Wu  Feng  3l  SJ. 

Wu  Jung  g;  ^ 

Wu  Jung-kuan  ^ 

Wu  K’ai-ming  f}f]  flJJ 

Wu  Liang  Tz’u  ^ jjis]  . . . . 

WTu  Pan  ]£  #£ 

Wu  seh  3l  

Wu  Shih-fen  A 

Wu  Ta-ch’eng  % A 

Wu  Tao-tzu  ^ jijt  -J* 

Wu  Ti  2 ^ 

Wu  Ti  ^ 

Wu-tzu  pei  $£  ^ 

WuYiin  

Wu  Wei  ^ 

[261] 


142 

142 

216 

24 

165,207 

16,38,55,202 

60, 62 

25 

5,68 

164,230 

162 

218,220 

230 

87, 89,92,89 

43 

75 

55 

16 

20 

92 

228 

92 

90 

92 

65 

55,57 

70 

116,165,193,215,213 

6 

35,118,146,221 

20 

55,228 

164 


OUTLINES  OF  CHINESE  ART 


Wu  Wen-kuei 


157 


Yang-  chow  |§?  

Yang  Pang-chi  JJJ-  % ^ 


Yao  ch’in  ^ 

Yeh  (family)  ffe 

Yen  Ch’ang  H 

Yen  Chen-ch’ing  j|0  i|i  Jifip 

Yen  Chi  ft?  IS 

Yen  Li-pen  $j  Hi  & 

Yen  Sung  j&g  

Yen  Wen-kuei  5^3^^; 

Yen  Yu  & Mi 

Yi  E 

Yu  5 

Yu  

Yu-  ch’ao  S*  

Yu  mo  yA  M 

Yu-t’ai  & ^ 

Yii  tien  ts’un  M Si  M • 

Yu  yen  J§! 

Yiian  chiian  |%  $} 

Yiian  Seng  

Yiian  Ti  yc  

Yuan  Ting  % Jffi 

Yiian  Yiian  fit  yi 

Yiin  Chung  Chun  ® 4*  S' 

Yiin-kang  f$ 

Yiin-ling  tzu  SI  Sc  -p 

Yiin  T’ai  Mountain)  ^ g 

Yiin  wen  ® 

Yung  Hsi  7k  


98 

231 

. . . .18, 187 

75 

16 

104 

148 

157 

167 

161 

192 

233 

50 

50,  58 

. 7,9,11,18 

6 

164 

87 

192 

164 

168 

145 

221 

46 

16,37 

223 

99,104,110 

184 

. . . 193, 204 

51,80 

112 


[262] 


INDEX 

Yung-ning  7K  19 

Yung  P’ing  7E  104 

Yung-yang  hsien  ^ PH  JH 115 


\263] 


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